Chapter 275: The Division Of Tunisia
French Prime Minister Jules Ferry was in a predicament at this time. Abandoning the invasion of Tunisia would end the dispute with Italy and Spain, but it would render France’s investment in Tunisia completely wasted.
Although France only committed about fifty thousand troops to this war, the war expenditure so far was not small at all.
While the French Army did not suffer significant casualties, the resistance of the new Tunisian Army did cause the French a little difficulty.
If France were to invade Tunisia with great fanfare and gain nothing in the end, how would the French public view it?
If the Italian public would angrily besiege the French Embassy, wouldn’t the Parisian public angrily besiege the French Government?
The Italian public could only threaten the French Embassy, while the Parisian public could threaten the safety of the French Cabinet.
More importantly, the development of this matter also concerned the authority of Prime Minister Jules Ferry. Jules Ferry had intended to promote the invasion of Tunisia to accumulate political achievements for himself and prepare for his next re-election.
If this war were to be abandoned halfway, let alone whether he would be impeached, he would certainly not be able to consider the next prime ministerial election.
With his political career at stake, Jules Ferry still wanted to struggle a bit longer. Since Spain had proposed peace talks, France could negotiate with the Tunisian Government.
Tunisia also had its own ruler and government; would a peace treaty reached between France and the Tunisian Government not be legal?
As long as France reached a peace treaty with Tunisia first, it would at least be able to secure its footing in the matter of occupying Tunisia.
As for what would happen later, it was believed that once France had made faits accomplis, the Italians would have no choice but to swallow their anger.
With this idea in mind, Jules Ferry ordered the French Ambassador to Spain to delay the Spanish Government as much as possible, while at the same time issuing orders to the frontline troops to continue their advance towards Tunis, in an effort to facilitate peace talks between France and the Tunisian Government before Spain officially intervened in the matter.
Upon receiving the government’s orders, the French Army immediately increased its offensive and successfully captured the Tunisian capital, Tunis.
Inside Tunis at this time, the Tunisian government had already descended into chaos.
The Tunisian ruler, Muhammad III al-Sadiq, gathered Tunisian officials, attempting to find a way for the shattered Tunisia to survive.
But looking at the officials, whose faces were ashen, Muhammad III al-Sadiq knew that Tunisia had long lost hope of continuation.
Even if France did not invade Tunisia, what awaited Tunisia would only be aggression from other great powers.
“Bey, the French Army has surrounded Tunis. We need to evacuate as soon as possible, or we will be buried in this city.”
Ministers who were still loyal to Tunisia urged ruler Muhammad III al-Sadiq to leave Tunis and form a government-in-exile in the Ottoman Empire or other non-French regions.
As long as the government-in-exile existed, they would eventually have a day to return to their homeland and rebuild Tunisia.
Muhammad III al-Sadiq shook his head with a pale face; he did not want to leave this land.
As an ambitious monarch, Muhammad III al-Sadiq had also implemented reforms in Tunisia, imitating the reforms of the Ottoman Empire, and the new Tunisian Army was also founded by him.
He had originally been ambitious, believing that under his leadership, Tunisia could become the most powerful country in North Africa and achieve complete independence from the Ottoman Empire, becoming a truly independent nation.
But the French invasion had delivered a resounding slap in his face, making him understand the gap between African countries and European countries.
It was not that Muhammad III al-Sadiq did not try hard, but rather that the gap in strength between Tunisia and France was too vast.
Let alone simple reforms, even a complete overhaul of reforms would not be enough to allow Tunisia to grow into a superpower like France.
“Everyone, where can we go if we leave Tunisia? If even we abandon this land, who else can stop the French invasion?” Muhammad III al-Sadiq looked at the ministers who were still trying to persuade him, his eyes filled with tears of love for this land, and said involuntarily.
Muhammad III al-Sadiq certainly understood that Tunisia’s situation was now beyond salvation. The Ottoman Empire would not offend France for Tunisia, nor would other great powers.
Since France was confident in invading Tunisia, it must have made thorough preparations. Any of their ideas would be futile, and trying to preserve Tunisia under French invasion would be the height of folly.
Regarding where to go, Tunisian officials began to discuss in a flurry.
Some officials suggested that Muhammad III al-Sadiq flee to Istanbul （ The appellation of Istanbul was encountered with the fall of the Byzantine Empire, but it was not officially the appellation of Constantinople until the establishment of the Republic of Turkey in 1923. Before that, Western countries called it Constantinople, while the Ottoman Empire and its subordinate states called it Istanbul. ）, while others suggested that Muhammad III al-Sadiq flee to London or Rome.
Among these, besides the suggestion to go to Istanbul, the most supported was the suggestion for Muhammad III al-Sadiq to flee to Rome.
The reason for the strong support for Rome was entirely due to Italy’s prior investment in Tunisia.
Because Britain and France had previously prevented Italy from forcibly annexing Tunisia, this had also led to Italy’s colonial actions in Tunisia being primarily economic actions.
After influencing Tunisia’s economy, it was natural to infiltrate the Tunisian government and promote the rise of officials who were favorable to Italy.
The weapons and equipment for the Ottoman Empire’s reforms were mostly purchased from Britain and France, while the weapons and equipment used for Tunisia’s reforms were mostly purchased from Italy.
Muhammad III al-Sadiq looked at the ministers debating where to flee with a pale face, but felt immensely disappointed.
On the surface, this was just a disagreement among ministers, but in reality, it represented the disputes between different factions within the Tunisian government.
Those who suggested going to Rome were the forces cultivated by Italy, while those who suggested going to London were the forces infiltrated and supported by Britain.
As for those who suggested going to Istanbul, or suggested staying in Tunisia and submitting to French rule, they were mostly local nobles and factions of Tunisia.
These people held high status and prestige in Tunisia, and only by remaining in Tunisia could they continue to enjoy their power.
Although submitting to French rule was equivalent to having an additional master, France’s colonization of Algeria showed that as long as they did not resist French rule, the French would not exterminate the local indigenous people.
This also meant that they indeed had hope of retaining their authority through surrender. Although there were hierarchies, they at least enslaved hundreds of thousands of Tunisians beneath them.
At this time, Muhammad III al-Sadiq was extremely confused. On one hand, he indeed had great fear of the French and wanted to flee to Istanbul or other European cities before the French conquered Tunis, seeking an opportunity to form a government-in-exile and return to Tunisia.
On the other hand, Muhammad III al-Sadiq was unwilling to give up the power he held.
Although he was the ruler of a country with only hundreds of thousands of people, as the Bey of Tunisia, Muhammad III al-Sadiq was still the supreme existence in this country.
Apart from nominally submitting to the rule of the Ottoman Sultan, Muhammad III al-Sadiq’s power in Tunisia was unimpeded, which made him very reluctant to give it up.
Suddenly having to leave Tunisia and give up the power he had enjoyed for most of his life made Muhammad III al-Sadiq somewhat reluctant.
It was precisely because of this that Muhammad III al-Sadiq’s heart was in turmoil, and he still could not figure out what decision to make at this crucial juncture.
The good news was that Muhammad III al-Sadiq no longer had to agonize over his indecisiveness.
Because within a few minutes, a piece of news from the palace guards made everyone present change their expressions dramatically: the French Army had broken through Tunis.
The reason Muhammad III al-Sadiq and others still had time to hesitate in the palace was that Tunis was the largest city in Tunisia and had facilities like city walls that could truly block the French Army’s advance.
But it was clear that the walls of Tunis were destined not to hold out against the French Army for long.
If it were just ordinary French colonial troops, they would have to expend considerable effort against the walls of Tunis, and might even fail to conquer them.
But this army, meticulously assembled by France, included an artillery regiment.
This artillery regiment was specifically used by France to breach the walls of Tunis and played its intended role during the siege of Tunis.
Under the relentless bombardment of French cannons, the walls of Tunis collapsed.
The Tunisians had never witnessed such a spectacle. They had already scattered and fled when the French army began bombarding the walls.
By the time the guard reported, the walls of Tunis had already fallen, and the French Army was advancing into Tunis.
When he heard the terrible news, Muhammad III al-Sadiq had only one thought: was it still possible to surrender to France now?
If Muhammad III al-Sadiq had many options before the French Army conquered Tunis, then after the French Army conquered Tunis, Muhammad III al-Sadiq’s only remaining option was to surrender to France sooner.
All other choices lead to death; it is better to live on, at least one’s power still has hope of being preserved.
Muhammad III al-Sadiq, who had a clear understanding of the relationship, no longer hesitated. He immediately looked at the many officials and said in a deep voice, “Everyone, I have decided to seek peace with France. I will never leave Tunisia!”
If you want to leave, then leave quickly! I will live and die with Tunisia, and the Bey of Tunisia will never abandon his loyal country and subjects!
Muhammad III al-Sadiq’s words were righteous and stern, showing no trace of his earlier fear of death or greed for power.
Many officials looked at Muhammad III al-Sadiq and were speechless. With Tunis City already breached, where could they go at this time?
Packing up one’s property and fleeing would only make them the primary target for the French to prey on. It would be better to stay with Muhammad III al-Sadiq. Perhaps the French, in order to appease the Tunisians, would even consider leaving the Tunisian government in place.
“Bey, we too must stay and perish with Tunisia!”
“Yes, we will live and die with Tunisia!”
Seeing the ministers who nodded in agreement, Muhammad III al-Sadiq nodded in satisfaction, then waved his hand and issued his order: “Open the palace gates, I will negotiate with the French in the Royal Palace.”
Speaking of which, the current situation didn’t even require Muhammad III al-Sadiq to give orders, because after the French rushed into Tunis, their eyes quickly locked onto the magnificent Tunisian Royal Palace.
Although Muhammad III al-Sadiq, since becoming Bey of Tunisia, has not engaged in excessive taxation, he has even reduced the taxes of the Tunisians through some reforms.
However, it has been almost 200 years since the Beylik of Tunisia was established. Over these nearly 200 years, the accumulated wealth of each Bey of Tunisia has been sufficient to build this magnificent building, which also contains a large amount of treasures and gold and silver jewelry.
Before the French could enter this magnificent building to explore, the building’s grand doors opened. Representatives of the Bey of Tunisia emerged, trembling, with temporary white canvas flags held high in their hands.
At this time, there was no rule that a white flag symbolized surrender, but there was also behavior of surrendering by raising a white flag in wars between European countries.
It wouldn’t be until the Hague Peace Conference in the late 19th century that a white flag would be officially recognized as a symbol of surrender, and that is still nearly 20 years away.
Adjacent to Tunisia is the French colony of Algeria, and it is not difficult to find an official in Tunisia who can barely speak French.
The Bey of Tunisia’s representative, who was holding up a white flag, shouted in French, “I am the representative of the Bey of Tunisia. We are willing to surrender and conduct peace negotiations with your army,” carefully observing the attitude of the French Army.
The good news was that France also wanted to reach a peace negotiation with the Tunisian government sooner rather than later.
Therefore, when they heard the Tunisians shouting in French to negotiate for peace, the French Army very considerately stopped their attack. The soldiers stared curiously at the Tunisian holding the white flag, awaiting the officer’s next order.
Seeing a Frenchman who looked like a Senior Officer emerge from the army, the representative of the Bey of Tunisia quickly shouted, “Your Excellency General, on behalf of the Bey, I am willing to surrender to your army. Please order your troops to stop attacking and spare the Tunisian commoners.”
The French officer slowly stepped forward, first sizing up the Tunisian representative, and then nodded, replying in French: “I will order the army to cease its attack before the peace talks conclude.
“But I hope you can also show sincerity for peace talks. If you do not intend to have peace talks, or if you have any other plans, I will not be able to control my army to stop then.”
“That’s natural, that’s natural,” the Tunisian representative nodded repeatedly, not daring to refute the French officer’s words in the slightest.
Afterwards, the French officer said something to his subordinates, and the French Army officially stopped its attack, and the two sides thus entered a stalemate.
The Tunisian representative then extended an invitation to the French officer to enter the Royal Palace for peace negotiations, but it was decisively rejected by the French officer.
Although the Tunisians were routed, no one could guarantee whether the Tunisians still had other troops in the Royal Palace.
If the so-called Bey of Tunisia still hid a small troop in the Royal Palace, wouldn’t entering the Royal Palace of Tunis mean walking into a trap?
89 French commanders indicated that negotiations would either take place in the French camp outside the city, or in an open space prepared within the city.
Moreover, France only gave Tunisia two hours to prepare. If Tunisia had not chosen a venue for peace talks within two hours, it would also represent Tunisia’s lack of sincerity regarding peace talks.
Upon hearing the French officer’s request, the Tunisian representative quickly nodded, then relayed the French people’s request to Muhammad III al-Sadiq.
Although accepting the French demands was humiliating, for Muhammad III al-Sadiq at this time, he had no other options.
In the end, Muhammad III al-Sadiq and the French officers agreed to hold peace negotiations in an open space within Tunis, and both armies would maintain peace during the negotiations.
Although it refers to both armies, only the French Army needs to maintain peace.
Because at the first moment Tunis was conquered, the vast majority of the Tunisian Army had already scattered and fled, leaving behind basically only those soldiers who were wounded and unable to move.
Let alone resisting, it’s uncertain if these people could even remain conscious, so they naturally couldn’t pose a threat to the French Army.
The French government’s plan was to force the Tunisian government to sign a peace treaty earlier, so the French government had already prepared the content of a peace treaty, and all the Tunisian side had to do was sign their name on it.
When the French officer produced the already prepared peace treaty, Muhammad III al-Sadiq’s eyes widened after just a quick glance.
The French demands were not complicated, but for Tunisia, it was equivalent to handing over all of Tunisia’s affairs to the French for management.
First, to guarantee that the killing of French people would not happen again, France demanded to station troops in important regions of Tunisia to ensure the safety of French people.
The number of French troops stationed there was not large, numbering around 20,000 at most. The issue is that Tunisia itself is a country with a population of only just over 700,000, and its original army consisted of only a little over 10,000 men.
With France’s attack, the Tunisian army had long since been scattered and collapsed, which also meant that France, with just these 20,000 garrison troops, could completely control the situation in Tunisia.
Moreover, in addition to the requirements for the garrison, France also proposed to assist Tunisia in managing its finances, take over Tunisia’s foreign affairs, and help Tunisia build a railway connecting to Algeria, among other things.
If Muhammad III al-Sadiq agrees to this treaty, it is equivalent to handing over all power in Tunisia to France.
However, for Muhammad III al-Sadiq, there was also good news: France did not intend to completely abolish the Tunisian government.
This also means that Muhammad III al-Sadiq still has a chance to keep his position as Bey, becoming a king with no real power under French rule.
Muhammad III al-Sadiq, who knew clearly that he had no other choice, had nothing to hesitate about. After a brief struggle, he signed his name on the peace treaty presented by the French.
After Muhammad III al-Sadiq signed his name, the French officers’ attitude towards him noticeably improved.
To demonstrate that the French were not cruel, after Muhammad III al-Sadiq signed the peace treaty, French officers ordered the French Army to withdraw from Tunis, leaving only a small contingent to help the Tunisian government maintain order in the city.
Just as Tunisia entered peace, the diplomatic clash between France, Spain, and Italy officially began.
Just the next day, the French Ambassador to Spain officially announced to the Spanish Government that France had signed a peace treaty with the Tunisian Government, and the Tunis War had ended.
Upon hearing the news that the war had ended, Prime Minister Cánovas was first stunned, then a hint of surprise and anger flickered across his face.
What Prime Minister Cánovas did not expect was that the French could actually force their occupation of Tunisia despite the pressure from Spain and Italy.
It can be understood with common sense that the treaty signed by the French and the Tunisian government, as the French mentioned, was definitely forced upon the Tunisian government by France.
“Ambassador, are you sure what you are saying represents the attitude of the French Government?” Prime Minister Canovas asked, his face grim after a moment of silence.
“Of course.” The French Ambassador nodded, showing no fear towards Prime Minister Canovas, whose expression had darkened. He replied with a smile, “This is the latest news from home. Since the war has ended, there is naturally no need for us to have peace talks.”
Prime Minister Canovas nodded, his expression returning to normal, but his voice was unusually cold: “Since your government has made its decision, I naturally cannot stop it.
“We hope the Italian government will also accept your excuses; Spain will not hesitate to stand with Italy.”
Although Prime Minister Cánovas was somewhat angered by the French people’s shameless actions, he would not proactively damage the relationship with France.
Spain’s attitude is also very clear, which is to stand with Italy and support Italy’s decision.
If Italy wanted to fall out with France, then Spain would choose to strongly support Italy. But if Italy chose to back down, Spain naturally could not start a war with France alone.
So the question is, what is the Italian government’s attitude?
After the French Ambassador relayed the same message to the Italian government, the Italian government also appeared extremely angry.
They also did not expect the French to withstand the pressure from both countries and choose to quickly occupy Tunisia to end the war.
This also means that Italy currently has only two options: either go head-to-head with the French, or pretend nothing happened and be a coward.
If Umberto I could still remain calm, then Prime Minister Benedetto Cairoli, who actively stirred up public anger, was the most impatient official in Italy at this time.
It’s unavoidable; the Prime Minister’s position is always so awkward. Although the Prime Minister symbolizes extremely high power, in the event of such an accident, it’s also very easy to become the target of public criticism.
In monarchical countries in Europe, the Prime Minister has a rather special role, which is to take the blame for the King and the entire government.
When the King and government’s decisions face significant mistakes, the Prime Minister generally resigns voluntarily to quell public anger.
After all, compared to changing a king, changing a prime minister is simpler and has less impact on the country.
“Your Majesty the King, is Your Majesty Carlo still willing to support us?” Prime Minister Benedetto Cairoli proactively approached King Umberto I, inquiring about Spain’s attitude on this matter.
“Carlo sent a telegram not long ago saying Spain is willing to stand with us and support all our decisions.” Umberto I’s face broke into a smile, which was perhaps the only good news he had heard in the past few days.
As for another piece of good news, it was Carlo’s first time expressing his support for the Italian government.
In other words, Italy’s intervention in France’s invasion of Tunisia did not receive the support of other European powers, which is precisely the current awkward situation for Italy.
Carlo’s actions were a timely rescue, and they also made Umberto I feel more favorably towards his brother.
Hearing that the Spanish side was still willing to support Italy, Prime Minister Benedetto Cairoli finally breathed a sigh of relief.
This also means that Italy has not completely failed in this diplomatic conflict. Although France has already gained the advantage, Italy still has a chance to turn the tables.
“Your Majesty, considering public opinion in our country, I believe we absolutely cannot abandon Tunisia, or at least we must reclaim some of the land to recover our investment losses there.” Benedetto Cairoli, after a moment of silence, turned his gaze to Umberto I and proposed.
Umberto I sighed, but still expressed his supportive attitude to the Prime Minister: “Leave this matter entirely to you. As long as we can recover some of the losses, at least we can account for it to the public.”
Prime Minister Benedetto Cairoli nodded, his gaze then became very firm, and he respectfully withdrew from the Royal Palace.
Prime Minister Benedetto Cairoli emerged from the Royal Palace and reconvened the Italian Cabinet, announcing a bold decision: to send troops to Tunisia and occupy areas not yet claimed by the French, such as the central stronghold of Kairouan, Sfax, and the southern city of Gabes.
As the European country closest to Tunisia, Italy is relatively familiar with Tunisia’s situation.
Italy even invested in a road from Tunis to Gabes, which connects Kairouan and Sfax.
Since the French have occupied Tunis, Italy can only turn its attention to the central and southern regions of Tunisia.
The good news was that to reach a peace agreement with the Tunisian government as quickly as possible, France did not choose to occupy all of Tunisia’s cities completely, but rather prioritized attacking Tunisia from Kaf eastward.
It is worth mentioning that, to prevent the French from reacting, the Italian government outwardly only lodged protests and seemed to take no further action, attempting to lull the French government into a false sense of security with such behavior.
Prime Minister Benedetto Cairoli secretly dispatched two armies, which would head to the central and southern regions of Tunisia respectively, to seize as much land and as many cities as possible.
Anyway, Tunisia’s population is only 700,000, so the number of people they can obtain is no longer within the Italian government’s consideration.
As long as a portion of land can be obtained, it will not be a loss for the Italian government. With a harvest, they can cope with the angry Italian public, at least preventing the government from falling due to their anger.
To preserve his position as Prime Minister, Benedetto Cairoli had also made up his mind.
In addition to deploying two armies with a total of over 30,000 troops, he also mobilized the Italian fleet to escort these 30,000 troops.
Even if the Italians are discovered by the French during their landing, with naval protection, there’s no need to worry about the safety of these Italian soldiers.
These armies and navies combined were enough to confront the French forces in Tunisia, buying the Italian government more time.
In order to seize as many cities as possible before the French could react, the Italian government kept its actions completely secret, not even informing Spain.
It was precisely because of this that Carlo was very curious about the Italian government’s inaction after learning that France had signed a contract with the Tunisian government, to the point of almost dispatching intelligence officers to investigate.
However, thinking that Tunisia and Spain did not have much of a relationship, Carlo abandoned his idea.
Anyway, Carlo maintained the same attitude, which was to stand firmly behind Italy. If Italy wanted to compete with France, Spain would gladly accompany them.
But if Italy itself is unwilling to contend with France, Spain cannot forcibly compel Italy to confront France, can it.
The French government, just like Carlo, was surprised. They had prepared for the Italian government to make a big fuss, but they didn’t expect the Italian government’s reaction to be so quiet.
Although the Italian government also had various protests and even threatened a partial mobilization in the border region.
But the French government also understood that a threat from Italy was more like a verbal warning. Unless Italy was undertaking full mobilization domestically, the probability of war breaking out between them and France was extremely low.
After all, wars between great powers require thorough preparation; unless one side possesses overwhelming strength, the side with more thorough preparation will have the advantage.
Italy’s overall strength has a significant gap compared to France, and Italy must also prepare more meticulously to be qualified to wage war with France.
Otherwise, by the time the Italian government hastily launches a war, all that awaits the Italian government will be a one-sided victory.
165 The differences within the French Government quickly ended. The next day, the French Army sent a telegram to the mainland stating that they had found traces of Italians in the central Tunisian city of Kairouan.
This telegram immediately sent a cold sweat down the French government’s back, and they instantly understood the Italian government’s intentions.
The Italian government’s move is clearly a diversionary tactic, a stratagem of “mending the plank roads while secretly crossing the sea.” On the surface, they used diplomatic protests and verbal threats to attract France’s attention, but in reality, they had already dispatched troops to compete with France for Tunisia.
Because the two countries had not completely fallen out, the French Army did not dare to actively attack the Italian Army.
169 When the presence of Italians in Kairouan was discovered, the French Army could only set its sights on the region west of Kairouan.
During the French cabinet meeting, Prime Minister Jules Ferry, after careful consideration, issued his orders to the French Army stationed in Tunisia: to advance south with all their might and compete with the Italian Army for Tunisian land.
Of course, in the process of seizing land, avoid conflicts with the Italian Army as much as possible.
The conflict between the two countries over Tunisia can still be summarized as a diplomatic conflict, but if a conflict breaks out between the armies of the two countries, it is very likely to escalate into a prolonged war.
France did not want a war to truly erupt between itself and Italy; how to avoid war was the issue Prime Minister Jules Ferry was currently most concerned about.
The good news was that Italy clearly did not want to start a war.
After discovering that the French Army had retreated three miles, the Italian Army also wisely did not approach the French Army.
Both sides tacitly engaged in a struggle for dominance in the region of Tunisia, the goal of which was naturally the cities and other lands of Tunisia.
For France, there is good news: France had already divided its forces into two routes when launching the war. The southern route army advanced from the border city of Tébessa in Algeria along the road towards Gafsa, a western city in Tunisia, and then arrived at Gabes, a central port in Tunisia.
The Southern Army’s objective was to outflank Tunisia, cutting off the Tunisians’ retreat route to Libya.
I didn’t expect it to backfire now, instead blocking the Italians’ southward expansion route.
Regardless, the army that had nearly reached Gabes on the southern route became very important at this time. As long as the army on the southern route could conquer Gabes, the path for the Italian army’s southward expansion would be completely blocked.
This way, although Italy occupied many important cities including Kairouan, the majority of Tunisia’s land was in French hands, so France did not lose too much.
Moreover, the land occupied by Italy will be surrounded by France on three sides, and it is still unknown whether this is a good thing or a bad thing.
France and Italy competed fiercely for land in Tunisia, but the land in Tunisia was always limited.
184 The military actions of both sides continued for approximately two and a half weeks, ultimately ending with the complete occupation of Tunisian territory.
From the spoils of war obtained by both sides, the biggest winner is undoubtedly France. France not only occupied the Tunisian capital, Tunis, but also took the central port of Gabes, the western stronghold of Roudei, and Gafsa.
The land obtained by Italy was forcibly divided into two parts by France, with the northern part primarily consisting of Kairouan and Sfax, including the port city of Sousse and the coastal city of Moknine.
187 The southern region mainly includes the island of Djerba and parts of the coastal areas near Libya, and proceeds along the road to conquer Borj Bourghiba.
Further south from here is the desert, and the Italian Army has not yet had time to advance deep into it, nor is there any immediate need to do so.
All Tunisian regions except these areas were occupied by France, and France occupied the most valuable regions of Tunisia.
It was mentioned before that Tunisia possesses 160,000 square kilometers of land, of which 90,000 square kilometers can be used for reclamation of arable land or livestock.
These lands that could be reclaimed into arable land or used for livestock are mainly concentrated in the northern and coastal regions of Tunisia, with France being the country that took the lion’s share.
However, the land occupied by Italy is not small either, with at least 50,000 square kilometers, at least half of which can be reclaimed as arable land or for livestock grazing, which is a considerable supplement for Italy.
After both sides completed the occupation of Tunisia, the next step was the negotiation phase between France and Italy.
Whether to maintain the status quo according to the actual occupation of both sides, or for one side to force the other to concede, thereby achieving the situation of occupying Tunisia alone, depends on the results of the negotiations between the two sides.
Prime Minister Jules Ferry in Paris sighed. He hadn’t expected his meticulous plan to ultimately result in peace talks.
Although France occupied most of the land, it could not completely occupy Tunisia, which was equivalent to failing to achieve its strategic goals for France.
Italy occupied at least one-third of Tunisia, which also represented that in the future France and Italy would engage in rather fierce colonial competition in the Tunisia region.
Although Jules Ferry’s plan was not a failure, a success that was not a complete success was not considered an award for Jules Ferry himself, and there was still a stain on his political achievements.
Compared to Jules Ferry’s sigh, the expression of the Italian Prime Minister Benedetto Cairoli was clearly much better.
At least Italy obtained some land, which will be enough to report to the Italian public.
More importantly, negotiations with France are still to come. With Spain’s support, Italy might not fear France in the negotiations.
As long as they could retain the land they already occupied, and obtain a portion from France, they could also achieve a de facto partition of Tunisia, a situation the Italian government could accept.
After all, compared to having nothing, obtaining half of Tunisia was quite a good outcome.
Italy’s population is not too large, so developing half of Tunisia would be just right. Of course, this also depends on whether the French Government is willing.
If the French insist on going their own way, it will be rather difficult for Italy to obtain the territories from France.
After an intense struggle for Tunisia’s land, Carlo finally understood the Italian government’s plan.
However, Carlo did not prevent the Italian government’s actions. If they could attract France’s attention with colonial competition in Tunisia, that would be even better.
If Italy did not attract French hatred, the French would soon find that Spain was the most intense competitor for colonies in Africa and France.
At that time, the relationship between France and Spain would definitely take a sharp turn for the worse, even becoming hostile.
For Carlo, the reason for strongly supporting Italy’s actions in this incident was precisely to obtain future rewards from Italy.
If Spain and France engage in intense colonial competition in West Africa, Spain will need diplomatic or even military support from Italy.
After all, Spain alone was clearly not enough to intimidate France. However, if Spain and Italy united, even one of the powerful European hegemons would have to consider the consequences of being dragged into a quagmire of war.
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