Chapter 333: Argument In The Kremlin
If the White House was already reeling in turmoil with Lyndon Johnson formally entering his countdown, then the Kremlin was both furious and terrified in the face of this news.
This stemmed from a diplomatic letter from Dobrynin.
Such a major event, with Moscow’s highest-level personnel in America completely swept away, and a large amount of precious intelligence not yet extracted from them, already humanely destroyed.
This was not something that could be explained clearly over a simple telephone call or telegraph.
The whole matter had to be handled with a diplomatic letter, carried back to Moscow by a special person on a special plane.
It was already the second day, and Dobrynin had yet to awaken from this “nightmare.” The continuously playing live footage on television reminded him that it was real.
He himself had not personally gone to Hoover’s residence, but his staff had, bringing back the telephone and gun.
The entire process was enough to leave him shocked.
He took a deep breath and began drafting the diplomatic letter:
“Soviet Embassy in America
Washington D.C.
September 20, 1968
To Comrade Leonid Ilyich
Copy to: Foreign Minister Comrade Andrei Andreyevich Gromyko
Subject: Latest American intelligence update — The termination of Target A and its strategic impact
Security classification: Top Secret (Совершенносекретно)
Encryption code: K-47/68
Dear Comrade Leonid:
I hereby solemnly report that Target A (former FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover) was eliminated by unknown persons at his private residence (3201 M Street NW) in the Georgetown neighborhood of northwest Washington.
The operation was carried out by an unknown individual claiming to be V, wearing a black robe and V mask (hereinafter referred to as V). This person’s specific identity is unknown, height approximately 1.9 meters, extremely accurate marksmanship, agile movements; I strongly suspect they possess superpowers.”
When Dobrynin wrote this far, his pen stopped, and he fell into hesitation. He felt it was absurd, but the movement of the gun made it very likely to be superpowers.
During the Cold War, many countries truly believed in the existence of superpowers.
More precisely, even earlier, people had begun trying to find superpowered individuals.
NAZI Germany did it, and later during the Cold War, both America and the Soviet Union did it.
Among them, declassified official American documents mention that a certain agency had a plan named Stargate Project, which began in 1972 and was specifically carried out by the Stanford Research Institute, attempting to replicate the Soviet Union’s psychic energy experiments by recruiting individuals with superpowers to create cheap human radar supermen.
(The federal government tested superpower possessor Uri Geller by having him replicate unseen drawings; researchers provided the left image, and Uri Geller drew the right one.)
The plan continued until it was terminated in 1995.
So superpowers may seem like fantasy now, but at the time, everyone believed in it.
Superpowers, aliens, psychics, and so on—massive research funds were poured into these areas at the time, and Washington’s intelligence special committee would periodically hold meetings to discuss the research progress of the Stargate Project.
Dobrynin’s hesitation was not because he wrote about superpowers— Moscow, upon receiving the top secret letter, would think he had a problem with his head—but because he was considering whether to reveal that the other party’s pistol was obtained from the Soviet Embassy.
Hoover’s address and intelligence came from him, and Dobrynin did not want to take the blame.
But considering that taking the blame was a small matter, and with so many people at the embassy, whether he could cover it up was uncertain, while superpowers were a big matter.
He still continued writing:
“According to the embassy’s investigation, the specific action details of the other party are as follows: According to the preliminary assessment by the KGB station in America, we were forced to provide limited logistical support, including Target A’s precise address and three standard KGB equipment items—Makarov PM pistol, Pistol Makarova, 9x18mm caliber.
One of the guns was equipped with a PBS-1 suppressor, effectively reducing shooting noise to below 60 decibels, ensuring operational secrecy.
V is estimated to have breached Target A’s security system in 10 minutes: six FBI elite security personnel equipped with standard Smith & Wesson Model 10 revolvers and two German shepherd police dogs; all the above targets were swiftly defeated without causing a disturbance in the surrounding neighborhood midway.
During the operation, the asset demonstrated superb marksmanship and agile reflexes. The other party’s use of the Makarov PM pistol was extremely proficient; I strongly suspect they may have received training in Moscow, ultimately ending Target A’s life with a single 9x18mm bullet.
The scene was left with blood-written markings ‘For JFK’ and ‘V.’ It is uncertain whether the true purpose is to mislead American intelligence agencies into pointing toward an internal conspiracy in the Kennedy assassination case, rather than external interference.
The most bizarre point in the whole incident is that V appeared at the embassy at 1:31 a.m., using force to coerce the embassy into providing Target A’s specific intelligence and taking away guns. Target V is estimated to have been killed in action around 2:00 a.m., cause of death a bullet to the head. Embassy personnel arrived at Target A’s residence at 2:13 a.m., and the scene was already empty.
Based on the guns left at the scene, the bullets should have been fired from the guns taken from the embassy, meaning V had at most 20 minutes in between to complete leaving the embassy, arriving at Target A’s residence, and carrying out the kill.
According to the embassy staff driving to Target A’s residence, it takes at least 35 minutes by car.
For this, I guess there are two possibilities. One is that V possesses superpowers, enabling teleportation, which is also the fundamental reason they have never been caught. But this possibility is too shocking; if the other party truly has such superpowers, then no place or person in the world is safe.
If it is this possibility, then we need to mobilize all available resources to find V.
The other possibility is that V is an organization, one with deep strength in America. V is not a single person, which would explain the guns.
There were two groups of people. V appeared at the embassy, then personally or via another accomplice carried the guns to Target A’s residence. V notified accomplices around Target A’s residence by telephone to prepare to fire. V’s accomplices had already prepared various types of Soviet-made guns and, upon confirming the Makarov PM pistol and ammunition type obtained from the Soviet Embassy in Washington, used identical guns to complete the elimination of Target A.
Then, V or their accomplices carried the guns to Target A’s residence and fired the corresponding number of rounds from the guns obtained from us, ultimately leaving our guns at the scene to create the illusion of teleportation.
For this, I also suggest that KGB members in America mobilize all energy to excavate the existence of the V organization and reach cooperation with them.
Professional analysis: This incident has caused an uproar in American domestic public opinion. The White House press conference has been held, and President Lyndon Johnson’s press secretary Pierre Salinger attempted to downplay the event, but reporters attribute Hoover’s death to Johnson’s incompetence—accusing his indecisiveness on civil rights policy of leading to laxity within the FBI and indirectly indulging this revenge.
This storm has further weakened Johnson’s prestige, the momentum of the civil rights movement has surged further, potentially favorable to our proxy activities in America.
At the same time, current Director Clyde Tolson is conducting a full investigation, and we have some control over him, but our intelligence shows their focus is on domestic black radical organizations, not Soviet involvement.
Risk assessment: Exposure probability below 10%, thanks to the target’s independent action and our non-direct involvement, but there remains exposure risk, mainly embodied in the V organization. Through their intelligence-gathering ability demonstrated in the Kennedy incident, I do not rule out that our trip to Hoover’s residence was photographed by them; once exposed, this will trigger further public opinion storm.
Suggestion: The Kremlin should continue monitoring American media dynamics and express shock and condolences through diplomatic channels to maintain a neutral image.
At the same time, instruct the KGB to intensify recruitment of blacks, using American racial contradictions to deepen internal divisions.
Regards,
Anatoly Fyodorovich Dobrynin
Soviet Ambassador to America”
After finishing writing, Dobrynin repeatedly reviewed and revised to ensure no flaws, then finally transcribed it onto special letterhead, sealed it in a diplomatic envelope with sealing wax to ensure it wouldn’t be opened midway.
After the news reached Moscow, the Kremlin leaders felt deeply uneasy.
In the past, V was like a ghost looming over the White House; now this ghost had reappeared, this time targeting the Soviet Union.
“Back then, the intelligence on Hoover was provided to us by V. After providing the intelligence, Hoover was still sitting in the FBI director’s position. V couldn’t possibly guess that Hoover had privately reached cooperation with us. This time, V used such ruthless means to clean out Hoover—not only slapping the White House in the face, but also slapping ours!”
Andropov had a serious expression, cold tone, embodying the ruthlessness of commanding the KGB.
Gromyko added: “How do we confirm it was him, V, and not someone else?
V masks are everywhere, and there are countless Americans trying to impersonate V. As for the phone call time provided to Dobrynin back then, which only V could know, how can you guarantee V didn’t provide this intelligence to other forces?
He could even provide us with Hoover’s top secret photos; what is intelligence about him and Dobrynin?
Can we really confirm that this V is the same as the previous V?”
The White House days were certainly tough, but the Kremlin’s days might not be much better.
This was mainly because of the Prague Spring; the Prague Spring and the professor assassination completely destroyed the Soviet Union’s image in the free world.
The Soviet Union used military force to interfere in Czechoslovakia’s internal affairs, sending armies into Prague, with Warsaw Pact armies occupying most Czechoslovak cities.
After the military action, Czechoslovakia returned to the “normal track.”
Dubček mentioned in his memoir: “My problem was that I didn’t have a crystal ball that could foresee the Soviet invasion.
In fact, between January and August 20, I never believed such a thing would happen.”
This incident seemed to be quelled effortlessly, but its impact was profound. From then on, the difficulty of Soviet intelligence gathering in the free world surged, and intellectuals no longer trusted the Soviet Union, especially in Western Europe.
And the professor assassination was just taking another black pot on themselves.
Regarding the professor assassination, the Kremlin side definitely would not admit they did it, while the White House would try every means to prove it was the Soviet Union.
It was just making the already disillusioned intellectuals experience disillusionment again.
The Soviet Union and America, these two brothers, had done too many bad things; no matter how much they denied, from a motive perspective, the Soviet Union was the biggest winner, and no matter how much they denied, everyone thought it was them.
Not to mention, the assassin even spoke Russian.
As for how the Russian translator got into Lin Ran’s security team, it was Washington’s turn to hem and haw without daring to speak.
In short, for the Soviet Union, this year was absolutely terrible, not at all pleasant. The opponent was unlucky, and they followed suit; they exhausted themselves assassinating the professor and still failed.
They took the blame themselves but didn’t even kill the person, and America already had five GPS satellites.
Kosygin spoke: “No matter who V is, we need to find them.
There are many doubts here that need investigation, including whether the other party has superpowers or is an organization, or both superpowers and a massive organization.
The other’s true identity, motives, etc., we all need to send people to investigate clearly.
This is long-term work; we cannot be optimistic. The FBI still can’t find V’s whereabouts; I don’t think with our energy in America we can easily do it.
What we need to do is protect Tolson as much as possible, reach further cooperation with Tolson, ensure his loyalty to the White House is not suspected, and on this basis, sacrificing part of our intelligence network in America is not out of the question.”
Kosygin immediately grasped the key: they held Hoover’s handle, yes, but the problem was Hoover’s handle was also Tolson’s handle.
How does one engage in homosexuality? It definitely takes two people to accomplish that.
At this moment, the Kremlin leaders were particularly relieved that, fortunately, Edgar Hoover’s affair was an office romance; after he left, he had arranged for Tolson to take over, so the losses were not irreparable.
As for using the lives of KGB in America to exchange for Tolson’s trustworthiness in the White House, no one at the Kremlin saw any problem with it.
Pawns must always be prepared to sacrifice, right? Individuals are insignificant before the Soviet Union this colossus.
Leonid spoke: “I agree with Comrade Kosygin’s opinion. Our top priority is to protect Comrade Tolson. Hoover is 100% suspected by the White House, and the investigation against him has already begun.
We need to ensure Comrade Tolson can continue in the director position, and ensure V’s actions do not affect Tolson, ensuring his personal safety.
As for V’s identity, we can leave it to Tolson to investigate; his investigation is aboveboard, while ours would just be adding chaos.
Let’s leave it at that for this matter. We assist the investigation, keep our intelligence network in America constantly monitoring, but specifically handled by the FBI; copy to Comrade Tolson on this matter.
Final investigation results, have Comrade Tolson synchronize to Moscow at any time.”
Andropov nodded: “Understood!”
The American FBI had become a subordinate institution of the Kremlin.
“The only thing to be vigilant about is, if Comrade Dobrynin’s actions were photographed by V and leaked to the media, how to explain it.
But that’s easy to handle; let Dobrynin come up with an excuse himself. Whether they believe it or not, we believe it is fine.”
After replacing Nikita, Leonid acted even more unrestrainedly than Nikita.
The ugly state of America on the Vietnam War frontline gave him full confidence.
Kosygin asked: “Comrade Leonid, shall I have Comrade Glushkov come in now? Shall we start the next topic?”
Leonid then remembered what was on the agenda today.
Yes, they were to discuss the progress of the OGAS project.
The project was approved by Nikita and strongly pushed by Kosygin, attempting to integrate the economies and resources of four Eastern European countries—Ukraine, Poland, Czechoslovakia, East Germany—through a computer network. The project had long been launched.
Midway, it was once suspended due to Leonid, but even suspended, it still showed very good results.
This made Kosygin hope to use the Prague Spring as an opportunity to continue vigorously promoting Eastern European economic integration.
Leonid then reacted: “Good, let him in.”
The embers of Prague were still burning, the free world mocking the Soviet Union for turning guns inward, Soviet intellectuals questioning the current path.
Kosygin believed it was impossible to forever rely on the army to solve these problems; doing so would only create more rifts.
While the OGAS project integrated their economies and resources, leading with the economy would truly stabilize these places.
And what they were discussing today, in Kosygin’s view far more important than Hoover, was to give the OGAS project greater vitality: granting the four Eastern European countries greater autonomy, of course limited to the economic field.
Kosygin beckoned his secretary over and whispered a few words to them aside.
Then a slim middle-aged man wearing glasses, holding a report with the Russian abbreviation for “Nationwide Automated System for Computation and Information Processing” on the cover, walked in.
Besides Glushkov, some comrades from finance and industry also followed in.
Glushkov spoke first:
“Comrades, the Kremlin approved the initial concept of OGAS in 1959, and the three-layer network system concept was perfected in 1962. The Kremlin formally agreed to advance the OGAS project that year. The same year, the four Eastern European countries jointly developed computer hardware, including cybernetics-based computing modules and data transmission equipment.
Now, it is already piloted in the Soviet homeland and parts of Eastern Europe, including the Cybernetics Institute in Kiev.
Through the DISPLAN conversational planning computation system, we have achieved real-time optimization of resource allocation, supporting mathematical models like linear programming and dynamic optimization, realizing balance between industries, even simulating economic scenarios, from national to enterprise multi-level planning.
This is not just technology; it can make the command economy more flexible.
We hope to receive stronger support from the Kremlin side, not just financial, but also in terms of freedom. We hope computing centers can be established locally in Eastern Europe, rather than having to go to Moscow every time for computations.”
Finance Minister Vasily Garbuzov interrupted: “Absurd! Nikita’s approval was already risky enough; now you want to give Eastern Europe greater autonomy?
If we move the top-level computing center to Kiev, what about Moscow’s control?
They will use it to pursue ‘independence’!
OGAS cannot let them mess around with automation networks! Council for Mutual Economic Assistance charter Article 15 allows technology sharing, but that is with Moscow at the core!”
There is an interesting detail here: Glushkov mentioned the Kremlin agreed, while Finance Minister Garbuzov mentioned Nikita agreed.
This largely reflects the two sides’ opinions.
The latter was obviously reminding Leonid that this was Nikita’s project!
Glushkov stood up, his fingers quickly gesturing over the network charts in the report.
“Comrade Minister, I think this is a misunderstanding!
OGAS is based on cybernetics principles, using existing telephone infrastructure to achieve broadband communication and message switching.
It is not decentralizing power, but strengthening integration.
If we grant the four Eastern European countries greater autonomy, such as allowing independent planning at their local mid-level centers, even placing the top-level computing center at the Kiev institute, that will demonstrate our trust.
Kiev is close to Eastern Europe, facilitating data flow, from Ukraine’s coal mines to Poland’s shipbuilding industry, everything operating in real time, even gradually transitioning to a moneyless economy.
Since agreeing to advance the project in 1962, Moscow has jointly developed computers with the four Eastern European countries. Czechoslovakia’s Prague Cybernetics Laboratory contributed advanced simulation algorithms, East Germany’s Dresden factory provided efficient transistor components, Poland’s Warsaw mathematicians optimized data encryption modules, and the Kiev institute handled overall system integration.
These cooperations have achieved small effects in some fields, with specific economic improvement performances including:
First, in the Ukraine coal mining area pilot, OGAS improved coal allocation efficiency by 15% through real-time data analysis, reduced transportation delays, and avoided previous inventory backlogs;
Second, in East Germany’s chemical industry, system simulation optimized raw material balance, reducing energy consumption by 8% and shortening production cycles by 10 days;
Third, in Czechoslovakia’s machinery manufacturing plants, DISPLAN supported scenario simulation, helping enterprises adjust local targets from national planning, increasing output by 12% while reducing scrap rates;
Finally, in Poland’s shipbuilding industry, we achieved cross-national resource sharing, reducing import dependence and improving overall supply chain efficiency by 5%.
These data come from our pilot reports, proving OGAS is not empty talk but a real economic booster.
The Kremlin has already invested some funds in the past; now just add more to quell Prague’s public opinion and let Dubček’s reformers see hope.
This is not concession, it is strategy—a efficient Socialism network to counter America’s Marshall Plan.”
China’s contributions were not mentioned here, but in fact, for OGAS, China’s contributions were enormous.
Actually, Glushkov was very disappointed inside, even more disdainful of Garbuzov. The other’s words implied: you also want autonomy, you also want computer technology, do you deserve it? Only Moscow can do it, the four Eastern European countries cannot; the most advanced technology must be held in Moscow’s hands.
This was naked big-country chauvinism, and even as Ukraine’s cybernetics expert, the other showed no restraint before him.
If not considering OGAS too important, and for Eastern Europe, OGAS with many shortcomings already showing initial advantages, Glushkov forcibly held back his urge to curse.
Brezhnev was thinking: Now dissent in Eastern Europe is rapidly spreading underground. Newspapers don’t show it, but underground radio doesn’t hide it. OGAS might really reshape the empire’s vitality, just as Kosygin privately told him, plus the Soviet Union indeed has too much catching up to do in the computer field. If Eastern Europe develops, they can also benefit.
He turned to Kosygin: “Is it legally feasible? Can we adjust the terms to give them greater freedom?”
Kosygin nodded, pulling a revised draft from his briefcase.
“According to our Article 72 law, we have the right to expand allied cooperation in the economic field.
Council for Mutual Economic Assistance charter Article 15 can be amended to allow greater autonomy, as long as top-level supervision is dominated by Moscow.
The OGAS project has already demonstrated sufficient potential, developing rapidly in the past. I suggest we grant OGAS greater authority, move the top-level center to Kiev, give them independent decision-making on local economic planning, but all data must be reported to Moscow.
This can appease Eastern Europe’s dissenters, making them feel reform is not empty talk.”
The room fell into brief silence. Garbuzov sighed and shook his head but ultimately did not argue further, because it was Kosygin speaking; if it were Glushkov, he definitely would refute.
Brezhnev stood up, walked to the window, gazing at Lenin’s Mausoleum on Red Square: “I’ll think about it some more.”
Think? China’s System 360 at the Leipzig Trade Fair would force the Kremlin to face a fact: Soviet people in the computer field were not only behind America but even behind China.
This led them to inevitably decide to provide further support to OGAS, including 20 billion rubles in technical support and loosening economic autonomy for the four Eastern European countries.
In this timeline, Western Europe had the Coal and Steel Community, Eastern Europe had the OGAS Community.
