Chapter 179: Can We Really Save Him Back?
Lin Ran arrived at Andrews Air Force Base near Washington D.C. from Huntsville City’s Redstone Military Airport in a rush, taking a special plane all the way.
Because the situation was urgent, he finally didn’t have to take the Sikorsky this time and switched to a faster Learjet capable of 2000 miles per trip.
“Professor, according to the preliminary news from the White House, the Soviet Space Agency will start the moon landing program soon, the exact time is not yet clear, only known to be led by Yuri Gagarin.” Lin Ran’s NASA assistant Hugh Dryden said while flipping through his notebook.
Originally he was NASA’s number three figure, responsible for coordinating communication between NASA and external institutions like the White House and Congress, with some duties similar to a secretary.
Usually responsible for functions in administrative coordination and policy support.
In the past, he assisted James Webb in handling NASA’s daily management work, involving document preparation, meeting arrangements, and other administrative tasks. Now he helps Lin Ran handle the above affairs.
Without Lin Ran, he would also have some technical and policy decision-making power.
But because of Lin Ran’s existence, his functions have been firmly locked at the administrative level from the start.
“Good, understood, much faster than we expected.” Lin Ran pondered.
Lin Ran thought that in this spacetime, the Soviet Union could moon land at the earliest in 1966, or even 1968.
As a result, the Soviet people could actually moon land in 1964, and the one sent was their ace astronaut Yuri Gagarin.
Lin Ran felt something was off, “Hugh, is there anything unusual on the Soviet side?”
Hugh Dryden didn’t look at his notebook, but stared at his young boss’s unusually youthful face and answered: “Yes.”
“What?” Lin Ran asked.
Hugh Dryden said: “They are going to moon land, and we are rushing back to Washington to discuss countermeasures for this.”
Lin Ran waved his hand: “No, I don’t mean that, I mean is there anything unusual in the Kremlin?”
Hugh Dryden flipped through his notebook, where he recorded all major events: “Professor, no.”
Lin Ran knew that things had changed.
Because originally at this time point in early November, Nikita should have already been taken down.
TASS and Pravda should have published a short statement on October 15 about Comrade Nikita’s “voluntary” retirement due to health reasons and age.
But Hugh Dryden actually said no major events occurred.
As a 1960s expert, Lin Ran was very clear that Nikita’s downfall was inevitable because too many people inside were dissatisfied with him.
Similar to Kennedy in some ways, different in others.
But the problem was that the timing of Nikita’s downfall was very particular.
The reason he was “voluntarily” retired at this point in October 1964 was because he went on vacation to the Black Sea.
Going on vacation to the Black Sea gave Leonid and Kosygin these people an opportunity.
If Nikita was in Moscow, this group definitely wouldn’t dare force him to retire.
Since all this hasn’t happened yet, it can only mean one thing: Nikita didn’t go on vacation to the Black Sea.
At this time point, what could make Nikita give up vacationing and stay honestly in Moscow? Lin Ran thought it was probably only the manned moon landing.
After sorting through the myriad threads, Lin Ran knew it matched the news from the White House: the Soviet Union was indeed going to moon land.
Although seeing the news of the Soviet Union’s soft landing last year had already made him anticipate that their moon landing timeline would be advanced, the fact that they were moon landing this year still caught him somewhat off guard.
A bit too fast.
“Professor, you’ve finally arrived!”
In the White House Oval Office, Lyndon Johnson stood up to shake hands with Lin Ran, looking relieved that he had finally come.
Lin Ran was a bit speechless, didn’t I rush here immediately upon receiving the news? Why does it seem like he’s blaming me for being slow?
“Professor, next let Honig brief you on the situation we currently know.” Lyndon Johnson said.
Honig, Kennedy-era science advisor, head of a group in the Manhattan Project, who twice climbed the tower to comfort Oppenheimer on the eve of the atomic bomb explosion; after Lyndon Johnson took office, he continued to employ him as science advisor.
Honig nodded to Lin Ran; the two had a friendship as light as water as gentlemen’s, “Professor, I’ll make a long story short.
Latest intelligence shows that the Soviet Union plans to carry out a manned moon landing mission in December this year, with Yuri Gagarin as the mission executor.
According to NASA’s calculated time window, the specific launch time should be mid-December.
The Soviet Union, leveraging its first-mover advantage in the space field
Yuri Gagarin, as the first astronaut in human history to enter space, his participation in the moon landing mission not only elevated the symbolic significance of the mission but also highlighted the Soviet Union’s technological strength and political determination.
After our joint evaluation with the NASA team, we believe that the Soviet Union already possesses the basic technical capability to execute a moon landing mission, but faces numerous technical challenges, including rocket thrust, navigation precision, and life support system, among others.
The probability of success is difficult to assess precisely, but if successful, the Federation will face serious strategic and psychological disadvantages.
The professor invited you here because he needs your professional knowledge to help us assess the success probability of the Soviet Union’s moon landing, and how we should respond afterwards if the Soviet Union succeeds in the moon landing.
After listening, Lin Ran stated bluntly: “The probability of the Soviet person succeeding is infinitely close to zero.”
As soon as Lin Ran finished speaking, everyone present, especially Lyndon Johnson, had their eyes light up.
The professor says this, is there some basis for it.
If the Soviet person failed, then he would be relieved.
“The reason they chose to land on the moon at this time is that they plan for a one-way trip.” Before Lyndon Johnson could speak, Lin Ran added.
Honig clearly understood Lin Ran’s meaning. He asked softly: “So Professor, what do you mean? This is a one-way ticket with no return?”
Lin Ran nodded: “Correct, this is a one-way ticket with no return.”
The room fell silent for a moment.
Lin Ran continued: “The reason the Soviet person made this choice, I guess, is because they lack resources.
The power brought by computer technology, they had already seen at this Leipzig Trade Fair.
They have limited resources; both computers and aerospace consume enormous resources.
So they hope to decide the space race’s victory or defeat in one go, reduce future resource investment in the space field in the future, and concentrate more resources in the computer field.
And the reason for choosing Yuri Gagarin to carry out this mission is that he is a hero, a hero of all humanity.
Sending Yuri Gagarin to the moon, we cannot smear him through means of manipulating public opinion.
The Soviet person will portray this moon landing as the hero’s sacrifice, humanity’s great victory in manned spaceflight and magnificent exploration, and put a final nail in the moon landing race.
Even if we successfully land on the moon again in the future, succeed a thousand or ten thousand times, our astronauts go up and successfully return, history will only remember that Yuri Gagarin was the first to complete the moon landing, even if he sacrificed on the moon.”
After Lin Ran finished speaking, Lyndon Johnson slammed the table hard: “Damn Soviet person, how can they treat a hero like this!”
Yuri Gagarin really is a hero of all humanity. Even during the Cold War, when he was a Soviet person, he still enjoyed extremely high prestige in the free world.
Three months after completing the Oriental 1 mission, that is, the manned spaceflight mission, Gagarin visited England, going to London and Manchester.
In 1961 in Manchester, it was raining heavily, the streets were slippery, but thousands of people crowded the roadside, waving the Soviet Union national flag, shouting “Gagarin!”.
Gagarin rode in an open-top car, which originally had a closable roof. The staff suggested he use an umbrella or close the roof to avoid the rain. But he smiled and refused, standing straight, waving in greeting. Rainwater flowed down his hair and uniform, but his smile remained bright.
This scene was captured by a photographer and became one of the most iconic images of the Cold War period.
Gagarin gave extensive touring speeches abroad.
Even because Gagarin was too popular, Kennedy banned him from visiting America.
Even in the White House, in the power center of the free world, if Lin Ran says Gagarin is a hero, no one would refute it or feel anything inappropriate.
“Professor, what should we do?” Lyndon Johnson asked.
The Soviet Union’s move is not clever; cracking it is simple.
Lin Ran didn’t speak; he didn’t want to speak immediately. He just shook his head, indicating he needed to think more.
Lyndon Johnson turned his gaze to the other White House bureaucrats in the room.
McNamara said: “I think we should do promotion in advance.
Say that the Soviet Union, without certainty, is willing to sacrifice Gagarin’s life for victory in the space race.
The Soviet Union is completely disregarding the hero’s life, resorting to any means for victory.”
Lin Ran refuted: “This proposal has two problems.
The first is, how do we prove that the Soviet Union has no certainty?
If I say verbally that the Soviet Union’s chance of successfully bringing Gagarin back to Earth is only 1%, how to prove it?
Will the outside world believe America’s statements?
We are opponents ourselves; mudslinging between opponents is perfectly normal.
Everyone will only look at the outcome; the outcome is that the Soviet Union lands on the moon, and we don’t.
The second is, even if the outside world believes it, Yuri Gagarin only needs to record a video before departure, saying he knows this trip carries high risk, but humanity’s exploration of the unknown always comes at a price, always requires sacrifice. He says he is willing to sacrifice himself for humanity’s future.
Wouldn’t our promotion instantly turn us into clowns?
They stand at the height of all humanity, while we are still only at the level of attacking the Soviet person.”
After Lin Ran refuted, McNamara repeatedly agreed: “The professor is right; I was just trying to give everyone some inspiration.
I really am not good at handling such situations.”
Everyone present fell into contemplation.
Because this situation is indeed difficult to handle.
“Cooperate; we can propose cooperation,” Lin Ran said. “The Soviet person’s strategy certainly cannot guarantee a smooth return to Earth. We were originally going to carry out a soft landing on the moon this year.
Our slogan is: the Soviet Union sends the person up, America safely brings the person back.
Through this method, regain the disadvantage in public opinion.
The first moon landing is completed jointly by America and the Soviet Union.”
After Lin Ran finished speaking, the scene fell into an eerie silence.
Lin Ran continued: “Isn’t this exactly what President Kennedy mentioned at the United Nations, that we and the Soviet Union can fully cooperate on the moon landing?
Under the current situation, the Soviet Union has already seized the initiative; what we need to do is turn the situation around.
At least not completely lose the moon landing race.
President Johnson, you don’t want to lose the moon landing race to the Soviet person either, right?”
Lyndon Johnson frowned tightly. “Of course, I certainly don’t want to see this scene.
But the problem is cooperating with the Soviet person to send the Soviet person to the Moon, which is a bit too much.”
Lin Ran said: “The current problem is that no matter what we do, the Soviet person will land on the Moon.
Compared to doing nothing, helping the Soviet person return to Earth would at least allow us to occupy a certain moral high ground.
In the promotion, we can use McNamara’s proposal.
If there were no NASA, the Soviet person could only send Gagarin up, which is an act that disregards the hero.
And precisely because of America, out of respect for the hero, even if he is a Soviet person, we will find a way to save him back to Earth.
Maybe in the eyes of some people, we lost the moon landing race.
But not because America’s technology is inferior to the Soviet Union’s, but because we cannot bear to see our astronaut perish like this.
We hope to send the astronaut up while safely bringing him back to Earth.
We did not lose in the moon landing race.
If we do nothing, we will fall into an unprecedented passive situation.”
Lin Ran stood up and walked to the center of the room, handing the notebook he had prepared in advance to Lyndon Johnson:
“We cooperate with the Soviet Union, we launch a spaceship to the Moon, the Soviet Union launches a spaceship to the Moon.
Regardless of whether our spaceship successfully soft lands, the Soviet Union’s spaceship has only two possibilities: success or failure.
If it fails, everyone is happy, the Soviet Union fails, they cannot gain the upper hand.
If it succeeds, then there are two possibilities: one is that our spaceship brings the Soviet person back, which is absolutely NASA’s merit.
If our spaceship cannot bring the Soviet person back, it further proves that the Soviet Union’s moon landing proposal is imperfect and flawed; even if we provide fuel, they cannot bring Gagarin back to Earth.
And if we do nothing, the Soviet Union’s launch has only two possibilities: success or failure.
Failure is the same as the above situation, but once it succeeds, regardless of whether Gagarin can return to Earth, we will be at an absolute disadvantage in public opinion and face a publicity crisis in the space race far more severe than the Sputnik Moment.
Damage to international prestige, shaken public confidence, changes in allies’ attitudes—these are the most direct threats.”
Lyndon Johnson was somewhat convinced.
The room was not full of bureaucrats; there were also technology experts.
Although Honig is a chemistry PhD, he is still very knowledgeable about America’s most important science-related aerospace tasks in recent years.
He asked: “Professor, I have a question: can our technology really save Gagarin?”
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