Chapter 290: North China
Initially, no one paid attention to the news from North China.
North China is so far away, Shanghai’s newspapers are subject to public opinion control, and the Japanese do not broadcast positive news for the enemy if they can avoid it.
But they couldn’t withstand the fight escalating.
War reporters revealed that Communist Party forces in North China mobilized en masse for a counter-encirclement against the Japanese Army, immediately exposing the news that they dismantled the Zhengtai Railway, which the Japanese Army regarded as its lifeline in North China.
The Japanese Army transports coal from Hebei’s Shijiazhuang and Jingxing coal mines to Northeast and mainland Japan via this route; with this demolition, the Japanese not only couldn’t transport the urgently needed coal for production.
Moreover, the Japanese Army’s plan to divide the North China anti-Japanese base areas—using the Zhengtai Railway as the “pillar,” roads as the “chains,” and bunkers as the “locks”—was completely scrapped.
Without the railway, without supplies, even the Japanese Army’s rapid mobility capability was gone.
And precisely because the railway was demolished, the Japanese and the Communist Party clashed fiercely; the first pleas for aid telegrams sent to headquarters had no effect at all.
By the time the supporting Japanese Army’s cars and three-wheeled motorcycles arrived, the Japanese Army at the bunker strongholds had long been slaughtered clean.
They didn’t even know how many enemy troops there were.
Just as they were still baffled, other enemy combats broke out again.
The Japanese headquarters’ radio was like a pot lid jumping restlessly over boiling water.
Dozens or hundreds of pleas for aid via telephone and telegram turned headquarters into a pot of porridge; in an instant, these high-ranking staff officers at headquarters had no idea what was happening.
Confusion wasn’t the issue; the key was the fear.
This is too terrifying!
Why is there fighting everywhere?
Where did so many Communist Party troops come from?
The Japanese Army’s blockade line against the Communist Party in North China was ruthlessly torn apart.
The Communist Party struck fast, accurate, and ruthless: railways, roads, bridges—everything that could be destroyed was destroyed; the Japanese Army’s pride, tanks, cannons, trucks, all turned into scrap metal.
Compared to the Eighth Route Army, which had been operating in North China for so many years and was familiar with various strange terrains, the infantry Japanese Army suffered all kinds of ambushes, with losses far exceeding expectations.
In response, United States newspapers reported extensively on the Communist Party’s surprise attack in North China, with the text emotions revealing excitement and exhilaration.
Gu Yansheng even suspected, after reading the newspaper, whether this guy was an American Communist Party member.
Or perhaps the backstage boss, United States arms dealers, required them to write like this.
To suppress the recent mood in China for peace talks with Japan.
If you hold peace talks, how will the arms dealers make money?
Once the news recorded by United States war reporters was published, newspaper companies in other countries followed up with reports.
The Japanese influence couldn’t suppress it; large numbers of people saw this news, and in teahouses, the voices of the anti-peace faction grew louder again.
“What peace talks?”
“Who said we can’t beat the Japanese? Look, isn’t the Eighth Route Army fighting well?”
“Why can’t we fight?”
“National Government generals are cowardly and afraid of death, National Government upper echelons are greedy and excessive; holding peace talks with the Japanese—I think they’re just afraid that if the fighting continues, their glory and wealth will be gone!
North China garrison troops—why do the Japanese insist on garrisoning North China, not Nanjing or Shanghai? Who are they guarding against? Today you should understand: the Japanese are guarding against the Eighth Route!
They are afraid of the Eighth Route, not afraid of the National Army!
Old Jiang is single-minded about civil war, just wants to slaughter the Eighth Route; I think Old Jiang and the Japanese are wearing the same pants!”
“That’s right. A few days ago, I heard that a New Fourth Army unit crossed the river to Northern Jiangsu; as a result, the National Army there found out and immediately fired a few shots at them.
Damn it, with so many Japanese in Northern Jiangsu, they don’t go kill the Japanese; as soon as the New Fourth Army arrives, he gets brave—what the hell? Bah.”
Zhou Mansion.
Gu Yansheng was called over; Chen Gongbo was also there.
“Where did the Communist Party get so many troops? The newspaper says the participating units number over a hundred thousand.” Minister Zhou frowned at the newspaper, deeply puzzled.
Chen Gongbo said, “As far as I know, Old Jiang originally approved 45,000 for the Eighth Route Army’s establishment: three divisions, each with a quota of 15,000.
Later, because the Eighth Route Army had 80,000, the remaining 35,000 existed as reserves.
But this portion had no salaries.
Although Old Jiang originally deducted the Eighth Route Army’s pay, these 35,000 had no military pay to begin with, and the original 45,000 were underpaid, so the Eighth Route couldn’t afford to maintain troops—’dirt Eighth Route, dirt Eighth Route,’ I hear that’s how it came about.
If you say there are over a hundred thousand troops in North China, I think it’s impossible; they simply don’t have the financial strength.
If you say over a hundred thousand participated in North China, then with their people in surrounding areas like Fujian, Shanghai, Zhejiang, plus they always need to dispatch people to guard Yan’an, wouldn’t that mean 200,000 to 300,000 total? Where does the money come from?
How is that possible?
I tend to think there’s a lot of exaggeration here; the Communist Party probably learned of the Chongqing-Japanese negotiations and the news that they were being sold out, got anxious, and wanted to make some noise to gain public support.”
“What you say makes sense.” Minister Zhou nodded and looked at Gu Yansheng. “Do you think it’s that much?”
This matter was a bit upsetting; both he and Chen Gongbo came from the Communist Party, and suddenly hearing that the Communist Party had become so powerful was hard to take.
The Wang Government wasn’t even this powerful yet, but the Communist Party already was.
If they hadn’t left back then, these troops would have been theirs.
“Possible.” Gu Yansheng just agreed. “I heard that besides regular newspapers on the market now, someone is distributing leaflets printed by underground printing factories, propagating resistance against Japan—this looks like the Communist Party’s doing.”
“What do the leaflets say?”
“They say resist Japan to the end, no negotiations with invaders, China will surely achieve peaceful unification, we must realize the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, etc.—basically those ‘continue fighting’ lines.”
“That must be the Communist Party.” Chen Gongbo was certain. “Later, tell 76 to have Li Shiqun investigate and arrest them.”
“Hey.” Minister Zhou interrupted. “Why arrest them?”
“Not arrest? Printing this stuff is detrimental to our control of public thought, and now it’s peace talks period.” Chen Gongbo was puzzled.
Minister Zhou chuckled lightly. “Gongbo, with this incident, unless we wipe out the Communist Party, what peace talks will there be?
Previously for peace talks, if the National Government said to make peace, the public felt we really couldn’t win, so peace talks happened, and they could only pinch their noses and accept it.
Even if the Japanese slept with his mom, he’d have to accept it.
But now the Communist Party jumps out, fighting and doing propaganda, clearly telling the world: if the National Government won’t fight, we will; peace talks? No way.
At this time, will the public accept National Government peace talks?
At this moment, if the National Government dares to push peace talks forcefully, believe me, plenty of people will join the Communist Party and turn around to take on him, the Japanese, and Old Jiang together?
His mom was slept with—this is blood feud!
If there’s any possibility at all, who could forgive him?”
Chen Gongbo thought deeply. “Indeed possible. Now Old Jiang is really in a dilemma, and if the situation develops, Old Jiang wants talks but the Communist Party doesn’t—at that point, the Japanese will sit back and watch the tigers fight, strike when both are wounded; with Old Jiang’s personality, he won’t sleep.
Keep them continuing the propaganda?
Anyway, peace talks are off; give Old Jiang some trouble?”
“Hahahaha.” Minister Zhou laughed heartily. “Exactly as it should be; we can’t let Old Jiang dominate alone.”
“Understood.” Chen Gongbo nodded in agreement.
“But this matter reminded me.” Minister Zhou restrained his smile. “No matter how much trouble the Communist Party makes in North China, it doesn’t concern us; with the North China Army holding it, even if the Communist Party turns the sky upside down, it won’t reach us.
But we still need to grasp intelligence.
Right now, we don’t even know what exactly happened in North China.
More importantly, we know nothing about the internal situation of the Communist Party forces in North China.
This won’t do; it’s like being blind.”
“It’s not good. The intelligence system needs to be set up quickly; efficiency is too slow.” Chen Gongbo said discontentedly: “By reason, this kind of war intelligence should be telegraphed that same evening, or at worst on the desk the next day.
But up to now, 76 hasn’t even farted.
What the hell is Li Shiqun doing?”
“No money. He told me that North China is vast and sparsely populated; to spread an intelligence network requires a large amount of funding, and where is that money now?
So 76’s stations are currently only open in North China’s major cities; of course, they don’t know field news.”
“In cities? That’s not setting up intelligence stations; it’s more like going to enjoy life.” Chen Gongbo complained.
Minister Zhou also frowned; it was like being deaf, too frustrating, but no money means no money—even immortals can’t help. Fortunately, this matter isn’t urgent for now; as long as it’s North China war affairs, it can wait.
Ding-a-ling, ding-a-ling.
“Hello? Okay, I got it.” Minister Zhou hung up the phone and said to them, “Kagesa is here.”
“What is he here for?”
“To report the situation, probably.”
Everyone chatted and waited half an hour; Kagesa Sadaki’s car drove in.
“Dean Chen and Minister Gu are here too?” Kagesa Sadaki greeted. “Perfect, let’s chat together.”
Entered the living room and sat in position.
“About North China?” Chen Gongbo asked directly.
Kagesa Sadaki nodded. “You’ve all heard; I’ll detail it. This surprise attack by North China Communist forces was unexpected.
They’ve developed so many corps in North China, and proactively launched a sneak attack; Staff Department analysis links it to the recent peace talks.”
“Do the Communist forces really have over a hundred thousand?” Chen Gongbo still didn’t believe it.
But Kagesa nodded. “Possibly true; exact numbers are unknown now—communications there are still not smooth, and the war continues.
But don’t worry; the North China Army will handle this.”
“Really so many?” Chen Gongbo was stunned, inwardly shocked.
Minister Zhou’s expression was also solemn.
Gu Yansheng promptly mirrored their expressions.
Kagesa scanned around and decided to boost confidence—the imperial prestige of the Empire of Japan must not be lost. “Numbers high or low decide nothing; the Communist Party choosing sneak attacks means they know they can’t win on the frontal battlefield, so they’re desperate to cut railway lines to hinder our mobility.
After the chaos of the sneak attack, all order will restore; once the railway is repaired, the Communist forces will suffer devastating blows.
Additionally, General Headquarters has decided to transfer the experienced Okamura Yasuji to North China to exterminate the Communist forces.”
The three nodded; it sounded like they had plenty of means.
But everyone present was shrewd; Kagesa’s eagerness to explain accidentally revealed that Okamura Yasuji’s transfer to North China proved the Japanese Military Department was dissatisfied with the original North China Army.
And there’s only one reason for dissatisfaction: heavy Japanese Army losses in North China, meager results.
Losing balance between the two led the Japanese Military Department to remove the North China Army commander Mutaguchi Ren, who had just taken office last year.
Kagesa continued: “I’m here this time, besides reporting the situation, also to request assistance on mission aspects from Mr. Zhou on behalf of Expeditionary Force Headquarters.”
“In what aspect?”
“Public order aspect. Intelligence departments monitored that recently in Shanghai, Nanjing, and other places, speech attacking Japan and sabotaging peace talks is rampant, with anti-Japanese remarks constantly spreading—this greatly damages the foundation of Japan-Wang Government friendship and must be eliminated.”
The frowning Minister Zhou thought and said, “Good, I’ll have someone handle it.”
“Mm, and one more thing needing Mr. Zhou’s help.” Kagesa nodded. “Due to the war expansion in North China, coal from several mines can’t be transported, so we need to confiscate North China coal for transport to Manchuria and elsewhere.
Additionally, confiscate a batch of grain for war needs.”
Minister Zhou’s brows furrowed tighter. “Coal already has a portion allocated for your military supplies; you mean now even our share is to be taken? Then what do we use?”
Kagesa said gravely: “Indeed so, but war needs leave no choice. I’ll try to coordinate leaving you a portion to ensure normal operations of important units; as for civilian sales, it can only be reduced accordingly.”
“What about grain? Hasn’t it been confiscated all along?”
“Not enough. Staff Department suspects North China Communist forces chose this time to start war possibly to seize grain during the autumn harvest season; even if they don’t seize, prolonged war will hinder local confiscation.
So need to transfer grain.”
Minister Zhou looked at Gu Yansheng. “I remember you told me grain shortage is already very serious now?”
“Yes.” Gu Yansheng nodded. “Grain prices since last October have risen six to eight times; ordinary people can’t afford rice anymore. A rickshaw puller’s monthly salary in the concession isn’t even enough to buy rice—far from enough.
For rickshaw pullers in Chinese territory, they need at least two jobs a day to barely afford filling their stomachs, and of course, it’s not rice— at least half is scraps.
Like wharf porters, they can only eat one meal a day; wages are just this much—no extra for another meal.”
Minister Zhou looked at Kagesa. “See, already so difficult—how to confiscate this grain? Confiscating will cause big chaos.”
Kagesa nodded. “I understand, but North China situation is also important. Mr. Zhou, please help with this.”
“Can’t help.” Minister Zhou was firm when needed, speaking frankly. “The current situation is already on the edge of emotional outburst; if we confiscate grain again, emotions collapse, social unrest—do we still want the economies of prosperous areas like Shanghai and Nanjing?
This is losing the big for the small.
Kagesa, you need to think carefully. I can authorize giving you some coal, but grain really won’t do; since ancient times, rebellions are because of not having enough to eat.
You want me to control their thoughts on one hand, but not give them rice on the other—will they listen to you?
Actually, you should do the opposite: tell them the imperial army shows mercy and issues grain for them to eat—they’d follow you instead.”
Kagesa thought and sighed. “You have a point. Can only have Wang Kemin think of ways to preserve North China’s autumn harvest.
Then for the coal matter, I entrust it to you. I won’t disturb; you chat, I’ll go first.”
As soon as the person left, Minister Zhou cursed. “I knew it was that old fart Wang Kemin scheming; if North China has no grain and he can’t complete his mission, he thinks of asking us—calculating really well.”
“Minister, you saw through Wang Kemin’s little trick at a glance. Good thing you pushed back Kagesa’s demands, or else it really would be big trouble.” Gu Yansheng’s flattery was quite direct.
Minister Zhou smiled. “We can’t listen to the Japanese on everything; our reasons are justified—reject when we must.
Gongbo, you handle the thought control matter; it’s suitable for your Legislative Yuan. Yansheng here still has all sorts of bank messes; he really has no time for now.”
“Okay.” Chen Gongbo agreed readily. “I’m just an idler; I can do anything.”
“Idle what idle; the able should labor more.” Minister Zhou laughed heartily and saw the person off.
Leaving Gu Yansheng, he smiled and sighed: “Didn’t expect the Communist Party really has so many people now.”
Gu Yansheng didn’t understand what he meant. “That’s because Wang Kemin is annoying; it hasn’t reached us yet.”
Minister Zhou shook his head, looking at Gu Yansheng: “The Communist Party started with just 80,000; now North China battlefield sees over 100,000 to 200,000—this under Old Jiang and the Japanese’s noses.
I’ve actually been thinking lately: our armies are either received from others before or defectors from Chongqing.
In ability, average; in loyalty, generals’ orders might work better than ours.
If it’s Japanese orders, to them it’s like a holy decree.
Yansheng, the new government still needs its own army—this is truly our own people.”
Gu Yansheng followed up: “Establish a military academy, like Chongqing’s Whampoa Military Academy, train our own direct lineage from scratch. You be the principal?”
Minister Zhou haha laughed. “Principal should go to Mr. Wang; what would it look like if I took it? I can part-time as director.”
“Find location, recruit people.” Gu Yansheng nodded. “These aren’t big problems; instructors too, can scout some talent. Funding, though—this will cost a lot.”
Everything needs money; Minister Zhou hissed and thought. “Start first; by the time the school is built and people recruited, our bank should be established too—then approve funds in time. If not, we’ll advance it ourselves first.”
“Good, Shanghai, right? Then I’ll find a place first, then experienced people, draw up a systematic school charter.”
Speaking of copying Whampoa Military Academy, Gu Yansheng remembered both parties had plenty of professional talent; wonder if either side still has interest in teaching.
“Need to find people? I was a director at Whampoa.” Minister Zhou laughed. “I’ll draw up the rules and system for you; you just handle the other aspects.”
