Chapter 139: Permanently Cripple Dover Port
These artillery groups at Calais Port and Cape Gris-Nez were divided into five groups according to plan before opening fire.
During combat, these cannons would also fire in groups alternately to avoid interfering with each other’s observation of impact points—this era had not yet invented the technology for dyeing naval main gun shells. When multiple warships or multiple turrets fired salvos, if the shell dispersion was relatively large, it was hard to distinguish which water column was caused by which shell’s explosion, which would also affect the efficiency of subsequent spotting.
So Colonel Keitel had discussed the grouping plan with Lieutenant Colonel Leb and several other deputy lieutenant colonels before the war:
All 8 380mm armored turrets were divided into 3 groups by 3/3/2, and during firing, each group would also select a target, then each group would fire at 10-second intervals. In other words, each turret would fire one round every 30 seconds, but at the beginning only Group A fired, then after 10 seconds Group B, then after another 10 seconds Group C, cycling in sequence.
This 3/3/2 division was not arbitrary, but based on the natural distribution of these turrets during their construction and installation.
During construction, due to the terrain constraints of the White Cliffs’ midslope at Cape Gris-Nez, these artillery groups were then divided into three relatively concentrated positions. Each position’s artillery group concentrating fire on one ship would achieve the best dispersion.
During battleship vs. battleship combat, this kind of “half-salvo” easily introduced new errors, mainly because warships would roll after main gun fire, causing the battleship main gun’s actual elevation angle to fluctuate constantly, affecting accuracy.
But shore batteries did not have this disadvantage, because the earth does not shake, and the “half-salvo” tactic could fully leverage the advantages while completely avoiding the disadvantages—simply too good not to use.
Besides the 3 groups of the armored turret cluster, all 5 380mm railway guns were concentrated into one group, and all 15 280mm railway guns were divided into another group, with each group sharing preset parameters and spotting data.
At the same time, considering that Dover Port mainly has two anchorages, including Dover Port Main Anchorage and Folkestone Anchorage several kilometers away nearby. In the pre-war plan, all 3 groups of armored turrets were required to set their targets to Dover Port Main Anchorage, while all railway guns aimed at the secondary Folkestone Anchorage.
In the air, there would also be two airships hovering at 4 thousand meters altitude, providing observation and spotting respectively for the Dover Anchorage and Folkestone Anchorage 20 kilometers away.
With Colonel Keitel’s “fire” order, the 3 turrets of 6 380mm guns in Armored Turret Group A immediately emitted a thunderous roar, firing 6 750kg armor-piercing shells toward the preset berth coordinates at Dover Port Main Anchorage.
At the same time, on the railway gun side, 2 380mm railway guns also fired 2 750kg armor-piercing shells toward the preset berth coordinates at Folkestone Anchorage—railway guns reload too slowly, taking over 4 minutes per round, so they could not fire all 5 at once, only 1~2 at a time, spotting slowly.
The shells flew through the air with a sharp scream tearing through the sound barrier, taking a full nearly 80 seconds to cover the 36~38 kilometer distance. If the enemy warships opposite were sailing at 20 knots, this time would be enough for them to steam half a nautical mile away.
But fortunately, the enemy warships opposite were all at anchor, and this primary accuracy interference factor was completely eliminated.
With 80 seconds of shell flight time, 4 rounds would be 320 seconds, so the 5 380 railway guns grouped as 2/1/1/1 would ensure that when the last round’s shells landed, the first 2 380 railway guns that fired would have reloaded and cooled down.
As for the 280 guns, they could also be grouped into 3 groups of 5 guns each, firing at 60-second intervals per group, because the 280 railway gun reload cycle is only 3 minutes, so three groups suffice. The 280 gun water columns are also distinctly different from the 380s, not affecting observation distinction.
Although the 280 guns have smaller caliber and charge, when elevated to the maximum 45 degrees, they can barely reach that far, because Germania’s 280 guns all start with 50 caliber-plus barrels. In comparison, that batch of 380 guns max out at 45 calibers.
The 280 relies on longer barrels for longer in-barrel acceleration travel, and when modified with breech chambers and using overcharged propellant modes regardless of barrel life, it can barely reach targets 35 kilometers away. But with this firing method, the barrel’s accuracy life would sharply drop to only over 100 rounds before being scrapped.
Then it can only be pulled back for rebore and relining, scrapped completely after two rebores. After the first rebore, it can fire 305mm shells, and after the second, 320mm shells. Moreover, when firing 305 shells, life is only enough for another 60 rounds, and after rebore to 320, only another 40 rounds.
Adding up the two rebores, total lifetime rounds are only about 240, and to date, the Empire has not prepared 320mm shells, but fortunately has never actually used such shells, no need to open a dedicated production line—
The initial idea of “final rebore to 320mm to utilize remaining life” was also proposed by Colonel Lelouch. It faced opposition from many, saying the Empire has no 320mm shell production line, shouldn’t waste resources opening a new line for these potentially half-scrapped guns in the future.
But Colonel Lelouch insisted on including this plan as a backup scheme, and said no need for a dedicated line, just as backup technical validation. Because Colonel Lelouch knew that the Italian naval gun company “Oto Melara” originally started by copying Germania’s 305mm guns, but after the World War broke out, they also planned overcharging old guns followed by rebore, producing a 320mm gun plan（12.6 inch）, and post-war when refitting the “Andrea Doria-class” battleships, they used this scheme and opened a shell production line.
Historically, Italians may lack in other areas, but in overcharging big guns regardless of life for enhanced power and post-facto rebore for potential extraction, they have always had their ways, with very rich practical experience. Otherwise, they couldn’t have produced the “KY guns” of the “Vittorio Veneto-class” during Earth’s World War II.
Since Oto Melara has already researched this, the Empire might as well plan this backup technical route. When the time comes, just conquer Italy and take it directly, right?
This is called waste utilization, not wasting resources at all.
When Colonel Lelouch made this plan, Vice Admiral Hipper of the Navy, upon final approval and seeing these notes, was dumbfounded but ultimately quietly approved it.
This Lelouch kid has such a big mouth! This is contempt for Italians taken to the extreme.
In modern terms, it’s treating the opponent as an “experience pack for killing monsters, leveling up, and looting treasure.” Like a Warcraft undead player operating a death knight with level 3 death coil seeing a human peasant and joyfully shouting: “My skeletons!”
Everything was arranged so precisely, with all the effort in the pre-war staff preparation phase.
As the saying goes, one minute on stage, ten years off stage.
……
“Boom! Boom! Boom!” The first round’s massive roars exploded near Dover Port’s main anchorage, with shells generally overshooting by nearly 2 kilometers, finally bursting between the port area’s yards and warehouses, not damaging any ships at the berths at all.
“Lower muzzle at least 3 degrees! Fire again! Overshot! Overshot by a full two kilometers. Left deviation at least 600 meters.”
After observing the shell impact information, Colonel Keitel immediately used a signal lamp to flash signals to his own artillery group command post over a dozen kilometers to the rear.
In the rear artillery group command post, there were also spotters using high-power telescopes—fixed high-power telescopes with nearly the same magnification as shipboard rangefinders—observing their own spotting airships to ensure every light signal from the airships could be precisely read.
In this way, one signal lamp transmitting and one high-power telescope watching could ensure visibility even over a dozen kilometers away.
Seeing the signal of 2 kilometers over and 600 meters left deviation, the gunners immediately began lowering the gun elevation angle, while fine-tuning the left-right aiming gear by one degree and some minutes.
The enemy port anchorage was too far, a full 600 meters left-right error requiring only a fine adjustment of just over 1 degree in direction.
Soon, the 2nd/3rd groups of artillery also began firing sequentially at 10-second intervals. These groups had preset some muzzle depression, and the range error was indeed smaller.
But every time the left-right bearing was clearly aimed accurately, the final impacts were all left deviations. Even after accounting for the day’s wind force and speed, this error could not be eliminated.
While having the airship relay messages to the rear to reduce error, Colonel Keitel couldn’t help but wonder after sending:
“The left-right direction angles are clearly direct lays on the pre-surveyed berths on the map, why all deviate left? Wind force and direction are accounted for, and there was hardly any wind this morning…”
After another two or three rounds of spotting that gradually reduced the error bit by bit, Colonel Keitel finally remembered the casual reminders from Officer Lelouch when formulating this plan.
“…We hadn’t previously considered such high-elevation lob trajectories for targets beyond 35 kilometers. Previous artillery trajectories’ apex height had not exceeded 10,000 meters.
But when attacking targets beyond 35 kilometers, we must consider this issue. The upper atmosphere may be too thin, so the highest segment of the shell’s flight trajectory may experience sudden reduced air resistance, the shell’s air friction drag stall also smaller, and the final actual range possibly farther than estimated.
At the same time, we are used to viewing Earth’s atmosphere as a soft spherical shell rotating with Earth. But once in the thin upper atmosphere, friction between air molecules greatly reduces, perhaps insufficient to make upper air rotate at the same speed carried by lower air.
Then, what if ‘lower air keeps up with Earth’s rotation speed, but upper air rotates slower than Earth’? Wouldn’t that equate to the upper air giving the shell at trajectory apex a crosswind opposite to Earth’s rotation direction? So for overly high-elevation lob shells reaching over 10,000 meters, the shell deviating slightly opposite to Earth’s rotation is very normal.”
When planning this project, Colonel Keitel had casually heard these anecdotes from Officer Lelouch. During actual maximum elevation firing tests, some errors were encountered and calibrated. But ultimately, because firing directions varied each test, no precise statistics on various situations.
Because Coriolis effect impacts shells in different launch directions slightly differently. These guns’ barrel lives are also valuable, not enough ammunition for repeated coordinate testing.
Fortunately, this combat has airship high-altitude spotting with excellent visibility, on-site recalibration in time.
At least having this concept in mind makes reaction much faster than having no idea—originally in Earth’s history, Germans didn’t figure out stratospheric thin air and Coriolis effect on trajectories until late 1917 with the “Paris Gun” shelling Paris 120 kilometers away.
And all these shortcomings can now be addressed.
By the 5th round of spotting, the extra errors from Coriolis and upper atmosphere thinness had been mostly corrected.
……
At the same moment, inside Dover Port.
3 minutes ago, when the first round of shells fell, everyone in Dover Port was startled, rushing out of houses at first moment, crowding around looking for explosion sources.
Most even thought it was an indiscriminate air raid by ultra-high altitude airships.
“General Hood! Bad news! Port area under Germanians’ airship air raid! Estimated 100kg aerial bombs, scattered over wide area!”
In the Channel Fleet headquarters at Dover Port, the office door of Deputy Commander Major General Horatio Hood was flung open, several duty officers bursting in panting, shouting disorderly without decorum.
“Air raid? Which direction? Airships spotted?” Major General Hood abruptly stood, immediately rushing to the window to peer outside.
The headquarters location was still several kilometers from the port berths, normal not to hear explosions.
The adjutant immediately pointed chaotically at the distant berth area, Major General Hood quickly grabbed a telescope, carefully searching that way.
Indeed, within short dozens of seconds, he saw several faint fire flashes and subsequent rising smoke columns; explosion yields suggested not very heavy bombs.
Major General Hood rapidly thought for dozens of seconds, then hurriedly issued several orders:
“Immediately have all ships raise steam, prepare to sortie, and maintain anti-air alert! All shore-based anti-aircraft guns in port area to search air freely, fire at will! But report any target bearing immediately!”
“Telephone other main bases, inquire if they have similar air raid occurrences!”
After confirmation, wasting a full three or four minutes, it was learned Harwich Port had indeed spotted enemy airship traces.
Hood also learned via fixed telephone: Enemy airships there heading toward Harwich Port berths, likely accumulated navigation errors from night flight, now with daylight visibility adjusting course toward port. But Harwich hadn’t been bombed yet, already in total chaos preventing airship approach.
（Note: That is the bombing from Chapter 137 on the early morning of July 28）
And Hood and his subordinates delaying realization it was shelling not air raid couldn’t be blamed—normal shelling has sharp shell-breaking wind screams.
But if knowing a bit of physics, the so-called shell-breaking wind scream is based on a physical principle: “sonic boom.”
Only when shell speed exceeds sound speed, or very close approaching sound barrier, does it produce sonic boom.
In World War I, normal large-caliber naval guns had muzzle velocities of at least 700~800 m/s, over twice sound speed.
But shells during flight are slowed by air friction, often subsonic at maximum range—only possible for shelling over 35 kilometers.
For example, the “catapult” VSS in PUBG, a subsonic bullet firearm with super quietness; in PUBG, hit by VSS and you don’t even know the direction.
In fact, in Earth’s history the 1917 Paris Gun shelling, Franks took many shells before confirming it was shelling. Initially to prevent morale shake, authorities claimed high-altitude bombing.
Paris citizens never saw airships but couldn’t refute, because they couldn’t hear supersonic sonic booms.
Dover Port now same, initial velocity over 700 m/s shells terminal only over 300 m/s, retained speed only 45%, armor-piercing kinetic energy only 20%（junior high physics formula, kinetic energy proportional to velocity squared）.
Shells flying so far actually have sharply reduced penetration, fortunately unlikely to hit main armor belt side, only striking warship horizontal deck at about 50-degree incidence.
World War I battleships’ horizontal protection generally thin, designed for close range; even 20% kinetic 15-inch armor-piercing shell still has penetration chance.
“Boom!” With the 6th round of shelling, the Bellerophon-class battleship “Reckless” at berth was top-attacked by a 380mm shell, shell tearing horizontal and deck armor, exploding in bow lower compartments, instantly opening a huge hole in the ship’s head.
Led by Major General Hood, Royal Navy commanders finally realized the attack source.
“It’s enemy battleship bombardment! Not air raid! Small 100~200kg bombs impossible with this penetration!”
Their prior judgments based on explosive yields. Frontline officers near explosions reported as medium-small aerial bombs.
But medium-small aerial bombs lack such penetration! This can only be professional pointed capped ballistic cap armor-piercing shells! Specialized for armor penetration!
Major General Hood immediately via radio ordered patrolling own light ships on sea surface to report situation, if spotting enemy battleships from opposite shore especially east ports.
But radio comms far slower than telephone, urgent telegrams taking at least five to ten minutes round trip.
Port fleet personnel thus blindly took more bombing for several minutes.
After “Reckless” hit, the enemy battery shelling her suddenly accelerated several times, from 80 seconds per round to 30 seconds. In 3 minutes, 2 more 380 shells hit main bridge and forward #1 turret respectively.
All shells nearly whistled toward “Reckless”‘s bow face, unavoidable—”Reckless” now north-south oriented at berth. Normal battleship duel both broadside on, but now bow-on.
Bow-on posture actually gave enemy guns higher hit rate: well known, long-range shelling left-right error easy adjust, range hard.
At over 35km shelling, identical parameters, final impacts in error zone 150m left-right wide, 400m range long. Warship bow toward guns gives shells larger projected area.
Bellerophon-class main turret frontal armor 11 inches, sufficient at this range to immune terminal 300+ m/s 15-inch armor-piercing.
But unfortunately, turret roof only 4 inches thick. Shells from 35km at 50-degree incidence straight through top.
Armor-piercing shell savagely tore twin 305 main turret roof, internal explosion directly blasting turret off. Without reserve ammo in docked turret, else shell detonation alone could doom ship.
Meanwhile, sister ship “Magnificent” at adjacent berth finally took 1st armor-piercing shell under sustained spotting from other 3 380 turrets.
Also bow side hit, but this shell landed near port forward main turret, piercing deck armor, then blasting main turret barbette and hoists sidewall.
Countless bearing steel pillars shot outward from side, entire port forward turret directly blasted tilted several degrees left, looking precarious.
“Report! Not enemy battleship bombardment! Coastal defense guns from Calais Port direction, over-sea shelling!”
“4th Destroyer Reconnaissance Squadron, currently 10 nautical miles south of this port, observed at southeast slightly east 14 nautical miles, Cape Gris-Nez White Cliffs gulf indentation, midslope muzzle flashes!”
Only after both battleships hit hard did Channel Fleet finally pinpoint exact attack source.
And by then, full over ten minutes since first shell fell.
“What? Over-sea shelling?!” Hearing this, Major General Hood startled to his feet, hat falling unnoticed.
His hands gripped desk tightly, as if clawing marks into oak with nails, unaware of nail pain.
“Evacuate fleet at max speed! All warships max speed raise steam sortie! Hurry transfer! Abandon Dover Port anchorage!”
“All combat recon aircraft airborne, at all costs attack, interfere enemy Channel air spotting airships! Definitely those two airships providing coordinate error correction to opposite shore coastal guns!”
Unfortunately even with Britannia Navy alert, Dover Port near frontline with warships’ propulsion systems not fully shut down. But to sortie under such conditions, nearly an hour minimum. And too many warships, sortie channel congestion, actually at least two hours to evacuate fleet.
Bombed stationary by enemy for two white hours, even with ultra-long-range low accuracy, but with air spotting, two hours enough to do much.
Next 10 minutes, 3 twin 380 armored turrets from Calais direction poured 120 380 shells on “Reckless”, scoring 9 direct hits.
“Reckless” forward 3 main turrets（one dead ahead, one each port/starboard forward） all frontally smashed through roofs wrecked. Conning tower immune at this range, but main bridge not uniformly thick.
Bridge parts besides conning tower inevitably penetrated if hit, finally under repeated strikes, part of main bridge directly collapsed into sea.
Forward deck also holed with full 3 big gaps, explosions from underwater inside tearing bow armor, flooding heavily; later hits, some armor-piercing through prior bow holes drilled further, even piercing bow keel, blasting hole from bottom.
Entire “Reckless” forward 3 main turrets destroyed, core forward compartments totally wrecked flooded, even bow keel severed; entire bow thoroughly blasted, no repair value.
Stern thus reared high, bow submerged, twisted hull even torsioning surviving keel, unable long bear such self-weight torque.
Such junk repaired still scrap, better dismantle rear two turrets as spares, strip other gear/equipment, hull scrap steel recycled. Barely recover 20-30% ship value.
Compared to “Reckless”, “Magnificent” first hit 6 minutes later, but learning has no precedence, achievers first.
“Magnificent” ultimately hit by only 8 shells, 2 fewer, but forward main turret hoists torn open by sustained head-on pounding, causing forward main ammunition depot cookoff, sinking directly.
“Magnificent”‘s explosion even affecting adjacent 1 destroyer and several tugs/barges, sinking those innocents too.
Such death impossible in normal naval battle—forward main ammo depot hoists so easily torn because bow non-core armor inherently thin. Thus one deck-hit armor-piercing leaves huge bow hole.
Hoists and magazines thickly armored along sides, impossible thicken frontal. Normally front shielded by own dozens meters bow, no need defend that direction?
If even here armored, means dozens meters ahead all layered penetrated? No designer wastes tonnage/armor on such tricky, impossible real-combat angle.
But today’s battle exactly such once-in-century range/incidence, who to reason with?
2 battleships thus helplessly, resistanceless, unidirectionally brutally sunk.
