Chapter 153: The Meat Grinder Has Just Started Up
Colonel Lelouch obtained approval from his immediate superior, Duke Rupprecht. He took two weeks’ leave and was seconded to the Baltic Sea War Zone to assist Vice Admiral Hipper in deploying counter-espionage measures against the Lusha Baltic Fleet.
However, the journey was long, as the Poland region was still controlled by the Lusha Army. The trip required a major detour: first from Mykolaiv back to Lviv, then through Krakow and Poznan, before turning north via Danzig and Königsberg to reach the Baltic Sea front line.
The entire route was two thousand kilometers, and with World War-era train speeds and road conditions, it would take a full three days of train travel to arrive in Königsberg on the 28th.
But the war would not wait for him. While Colonel Lelouch was heading north, on the Gallipoli Peninsula battlefield in the south, a bloody meat grinder battle had already begun.
Especially since the Germania Army had achieved more and more victories in the Black Sea Region, the increasingly desperate Britannia Naval Minister Walton Spencer was frantically grasping at straws to reinforce the Lushans.
He forced his fleet and landing troops to intensify the offensive, committing more and more reserves to land, charging in waves toward the Ottoman defenders led by General Zanders, Chief of Staff of Germania.
……
August 26, 1915, the north bank of the Dardanelles Strait, Gallipoli Peninsula.
Day 12 of the landing operation.
The total landed Entente Army had reached 170,000 men, including one Britannia home division responsible for supervision and holding the line, a full 80,000-strong ANZAC Corps, and two Canadian Army divisions（four full-strength divisions）.
However, “total landed” and “total surviving” were clearly two different metrics.
Total landed was 170,000, but total surviving and combat-capable was only 130,000. In the past 11 days, there had already been over 40,000 casualties.
Fortunately, the Britannians were not discouraged by the casualties, as they had indeed achieved some results.
The entire Gallipoli Peninsula was very narrow and elongated, with considerable area. This peninsula controlled the north bank of the Dardanelles Strait, with the longest east-west length of 80 kilometers, the widest north-south point nearly 20 kilometers, and a total actual area of nearly 1,300 square kilometers.
In the first 11 days after landing, the Britannia allied forces had advanced fairly smoothly. Starting from the southwestern tip of the peninsula, the troops had advanced 18 kilometers, averaging over 1.5 kilometers per day. They were now approaching Kilitbahir（Kilitbahir）, as shown in the figure below）.
Kilitbahir was a key high ground at the southwestern tip of the Gallipoli Peninsula. Once captured, at the very least, it would break through the narrowest point of the Dardanelles Strait—
Between Kilitbahir on the west coast and Canakkale on the opposite shore（Canakkale）, the Dardanelles Strait was only 1.3 kilometers wide. Even heavy machine guns mounted on the mountains of Kilitbahir could sweep bullets across to the opposite sea surface. Without seizing this place, no warship could pass through the Dardanelles Strait.
Of course, even seizing this point and smoothly passing the narrowest section did not mean passing the entire Dardanelles Strait. The strait averaged 4 to 6 kilometers wide throughout, with many hazards ahead.
But in any case, the British Army’s approach to Kilitbahir was already a major phased achievement. This advance speed, if placed on the Western Front, would be incomparable.
On the current Frankish Battlefield, whether in Calais, Champagne, or Artois, achieving even one-third of this speed by any means would be cause for celebration.
So, as of this moment, Britannia Naval Minister Walton Spencer was still highly spirited.
He would only blame the Lusha counterparts for being too incompetent, losing too quickly in the Black Sea, forcing the great Britannia Expeditionary Force to clean up after them.
But he would never blame the Britannia warriors for not attacking boldly enough; the lads had done very well.
In the past 11 days of fighting, the Britannians’ navy had also paid a heavy price, but it was all worth it.
As early as the first day of the campaign, August 15.
During the fire preparation phase before landing, the Royal Navy’s strongest pre-dreadnought, the “Nelson-class” Nelson, was severely damaged by hidden coastal defense guns ambushed by the Ottoman Army on the Alcitepe（Alcitepe） cape high ground at the peninsula’s end during opposite shore bombardment.
Subsequently, three old armored cruisers（equivalent to light cruisers, but old ships built in the late 19th century） were also sunk by sustained shore battery fire.
Sackville Carden, Admiral and commander of the Royal Navy Mediterranean Fleet for this battle, was shocked upon learning of the losses and immediately launched a thunderous counterattack.
In the end, the Ottoman coastal defense guns could not compare to those of Germania. Those deployed at the forefront tip of the peninsula were merely old 240mm quick-firing cannons, lacking the power to directly sink battleships.
After sinking three armored cruisers, several destroyers, heavily damaging one strongest pre-dreadnought, and lightly damaging two ordinary pre-dreadnoughts, the coastal defense guns at Alcitepe cape were completely eliminated.
Only then did Admiral Sackville Carden breathe a sigh of relief, boldly urging the navy to continue bombardment to cover the landing, successfully establishing a beachhead that day.
But good times did not last. As the battle deepened, new changes soon occurred.
Just three days after landing, on August 18, the fleet was caught off guard at dawn due to laxity and ambushed by a passing Germania submarine U21 in the outer sea.
The Royal Navy’s oldest pre-dreadnought, the “Majestic-class” Majestic, was hit by two torpedoes, exploded massively, and sank directly. Thus, all nine of the “Majestic-class” were finally scrapped in this World War.
However, compared to the original history on Earth, the Britannians’ losses this time were somewhat reduced. The early stage of the Gallipoli Campaign had no intervention from the transmigrator Colonel Lelouch, so both sides fought with real skill and steel.
Walton Spencer was forced to delay the Gallipoli Campaign from late April to mid-August, accidentally gaining an extra butterfly effect advantage—the seas near the Dardanelles Strait in the August midsummer had no fog at all, not even at dawn.
Thus, even the most inconspicuous small high-speed torpedo boats of the Ottoman Navy had no chance to approach and ambush large British warships under cover of thick fog.
In original history, the British “Canopus-class” pre-dreadnought Goliath should have been taken out by torpedo boats here, but in this timeline, it survived and instead intercepted several attacking Austria torpedo boats, deterring the Ottomans from sending more to die.
The “Duncan-class” pre-dreadnought Albemarle, which should have sunk here due to a storm, also survived because the season and weather changed, with no major storms in the area.
However, the butterfly effect’s influence ended there. Besides Goliath and Albemarle surviving extra, the other two—”Canopus-class” Ocean and “Formidable-class” Inflexible, which should have sunk in the Dardanelles Strait—still sank due to historical inertia.
These two sank from hitting mines, blundering into German-style moored mines laid by the Ottomans while operating rashly near the strait.
Mines are completely unaffected by weather; moored mines are deployed below the sea surface and invisible anyway. Even if the season changed, ships doomed to die from mines would still die from mines.
Moreover, precisely because Colonel Lelouch’s side had the Germania Fleet break through the Lusha Black Sea Fleet’s minefield too easily, it made the British counterparts overconfident, deeming old moored mines not much of a threat, sweeping them perfunctorily and assuming them cleared, then boldly advancing and losing two pre-dreadnoughts.
From this perspective, losing only two pre-dreadnoughts to mines and learning the lesson was already strong adaptability. The Royal Navy Mediterranean Fleet was relatively lax in equipment and more abstract compared to its home fleet.
In short, days of reckless advances led to bombardment, mines, and submarine ambushes, costing the Royal Navy Mediterranean Fleet three pre-dreadnoughts, four armored cruisers, seven destroyers—a total of 14 warships.
This did not even count the dozen or so transport ships and troopships sunk by bombardment or submarine attacks, also lost at sea bottom.
This was the total loss of the Britannia Navy in the theater before the reinforcements from German 6th Army Group arrived on August 26.
By this day, the Royal Navy’s remaining pre-dreadnought total had dropped to 11 ships（including damaged ones, but excluding the three “Canopus-class” given to Italians）.
And the Ottoman defenders, under these circumstances, welcomed reinforcements from 6th Army Group Commander Duke Rupprecht.
The reinforcements were few in number but abundant in technical weapons: all composed of airplanes, airships, warships, and cannons, with extremely fierce support firepower.
……
That afternoon, in the mountain town of Eceabat（Eceabat）, 5 kilometers north of the foremost high ground Kilitbahir.
Mustafa Kemal, a 35-year-old Ottoman Army colonel division commander responsible for defending the high ground, hurried to this relatively rear town to receive the supreme commander’s inspection and report the latest situation to the arriving Germania reinforcement generals.
“6th Army Group Commander Marshal Rupprecht has sent us a full six artillery regiments and two heavy artillery regiments in reinforcements—enough big guns to equip two corps normally. You’ll need to brief the friendly artillery generals shortly; they will assist you in the subsequent defensive battle.”
This was the instruction Major General Kemal heard from the supreme commander that morning over the internal telephone line. He took it very seriously, preparing enemy and friendly situation materials all morning for the inspection report.
At this moment, in a cellar in Eceabat town, he finally met the man in person.
“Respected Supreme Commander, Major General of the New 19th Division, Mustafa Kemal, reporting to you!” Kemal stood at attention and saluted General Zanders.
General Liman von Zanders was exactly 60 years old, a typical old-school general. Though very resolute with solid micro-management, he could hold off several times the enemy with only 85,000 defenders.
But he had many debatable issues in details, like being overly fixated on annihilating the enemy on the beachhead and not yielding an inch in anti-landing operations.
Recently, Kemal had performed well, holding Kilitbahir Plateau to the death with the Ottoman 19th Division, inflicting heavy casualties on the enemy, which pleased him.
“Colonel Kemal, you’ve performed very well. Hold on, and you deserve promotion to brigadier general.” After praising him, General Zanders turned to several newly arrived officers nearby,
“Brigadier General Keitel, Colonel Leb, Colonel Kesselring, Colonel Boelcke, if you have any situations you want to understand, ask Kemal directly. His division is at the foremost front line and knows the front details best.”
It turned out that the main ones arriving today to assist the Ottoman Army’s defense were artillery officers under Duke Rupprecht: William Keitel, William Leb, airship force head Albert Kesselring, and fighter unit head Oswald Boelcke.
General Zanders needed to deliberate well with these people on how to use Duke Rupprecht’s limited reinforcements to fight this defensive battle better.
Though their ranks were not high, they were Marshal Rupprecht’s men, not under Zanders’ command, so Zanders treated them courteously.
Thus, the group was not polite. Highest-ranking William Keitel frowned first and asked several questions:
“Colonel Kemal, on Kilitbahir high ground, have you dug reverse slope tunnels? Do the tunnels connect to observation posts on the mountain front? The high ground is steep, and you’ve killed many enemies these days, but that place’s front is exposed to direct fire from enemy large-caliber naval guns. Isn’t not digging reverse slope tunnels wasting soldiers’ lives?”
Keitel was artillery-born, experienced in bombardment and anti-bombardment. Plus, he fought Dunkirk Campaign and Calais Campaign, twice using shore batteries to duel enemy battleships.
One could say, in the world today, his practical experience defending against battleship bombardment fire preparation was unmatched, even richer than his old leader Colonel Lelouch.
Colonel Lelouch himself only orchestrated Dunkirk Campaign; in the later Calais bombardment battle, he only guided Keitel but had no time to participate personally.
So Keitel, combining his fresh experience from two bloody Western Front battles, immediately pointed out flaws in Kemal’s defense.
Kemal’s heart stirred slightly; experts see the way. In just a few words, he realized the opposite artillery brigadier general was very knowledgeable.
“Your guidance is invaluable. Indeed, we have not dug reverse slope tunnels on Kilitbahir high ground, mainly due to insufficient preparation and no time. Pre-war, we didn’t know exactly which landing point the enemy would choose; we couldn’t assemble manpower to dig everywhere in advance.
During enemy battleship bombardment, we could only withdraw to the mountain reverse slope via surface communication trenches on the mountaintop. After enemy bombardment ended and ground troops charged, we hurriedly sent line-filling infantry back to the mountain front via communication trenches, incurring some casualties in the process. Or redeployment was slow, giving enemies more time to rush up and engage in close combat.”
What Kemal said was the truth.
The preparation phase of the Gallipoli Campaign was very amateurish. Royal Navy Mediterranean Fleet Commander Admiral Sackville Carden and landing troops commander General Ian Standish Monteith Hamilton had not even formulated a specific beachhead selection plan pre-war.
In other words, until the actual day of launch, the attacking side’s supreme sea and land commanders did not know where their own troops would land!
General Hamilton’s order was “let frontline landing troops choose landing sites themselves based on weather, terrain, and reconnaissance feedback on enemy defenses.”
Such an absurd order left posterity dumbfounded, no wonder the landing battle turned out so disastrously.
It was like organizing Normandy landings where Eisenhower himself didn’t know if it would be Normandy, Calais, or Netherlands.
But who could blame them; this was supposed to be humanity’s first large-scale landing battle, with no experience, so chaotic fighting was no surprise.
However, the British Army’s unprofessionalism also once troubled the enemy.
Before landing began, the Ottomans had long seen a landing coming and sent spies, but ended up probing nothing. The defenders could only evenly distribute defenses like sprinkling salt across the entire possible frontline.
This couldn’t blame Ottoman spies for being ineffective; there was simply nothing to probe.
Even if they could read memories like little Li in《Inception》, they’d read blanks.
……
After understanding the situation, Brigadier General William Keitel did not overly criticize the friendly forces.
He thought carefully and gave a remedial suggestion: “Though no time to build tunnel fortifications in advance, it’s not too late now. I suggest your army resist a bit more on Kilitbahir high ground, then withdraw successively and orderly to the next position with mountains to rely on.
Then, use this time to build reverse slope tunnels on the second mountain defense line, plus connecting tunnels to the mountain front observation posts.”
Keitel’s words immediately won agreement from the other officers also selected by Colonel Lelouch for reinforcement here. They had all been influenced by Colonel Lelouch’s advanced military thought and tactical concepts, fully understanding the proper use of modern elastic defense tactics.
But this opinion shocked old-school General Zanders and Major General Kemal.
Major General Kemal hurriedly explained: “What? You suggest we hold briefly then abandon Kilitbahir high ground? It’s the commanding height within 10 kilometers. Abandoning it means we can’t hold Eceabat town where we stand now; this is a relatively low, flat valley between two mountains. We’d have to retreat 10 kilometers north at once to the next mountain defense line.”
But Keitel, Leb, and Kesselring unanimously supported: “Then prepare to retreat 10 kilometers at once!”
Keitel added, pointing at the map: “What’s retreating 10 kilometers? The entire Gallipoli Peninsula has over 80 kilometers depth; the enemy has only advanced under 20 kilometers, with over 60 kilometers left. Even retreating 10 more leaves over 50 kilometers depth.
Moreover, retreating 7 kilometers north from Kilitbahir reaches a relatively narrow western peninsula section, where north-south width is only 7 kilometers, versus 11 kilometers near Kilitbahir. After retreating past that narrowest section and relying on rear mountains, it will be easier to defend.
Additionally, south of Kilitbahir, the Dardanelles Strait outlet flares like a trumpet; Kilitbahir is the narrowest point. Dead-holding here lets enemy southern sea fleet guns lob at maximum range covering the entire mountaintop. Your recent losses despite such defensive terrain are because you haven’t left the southern enemy fleet gun range!
Retreating 10 kilometers north, enemy guns can theoretically still reach, but they’d have to close very near the coastline. We can deploy long-range heavy cannons in the southern defense zone opposite the strait to counter enemy battleships, plus aerial reconnaissance fighters to prevent enemy air scouting of our artillery group positions and provide spotting for our heavy artillery.
No matter how you look, timely defensive retreat is very worthwhile; it neutralizes the enemy’s most threatening naval guns!”
Part of Keitel’s words came from Colonel Lelouch’s pre-departure guidance, but much was his own summary from Dunkirk and Calais. These principles could be derived from just a few anti-landing battles.
It was just that the world previously had few anti-landing battles or “anti-fleet escorting army retreat operations” for practice.
The British’s only two attempts at sea controlling land that backfired were both under Colonel Lelouch’s guidance, and Keitel had personally experienced them.
Everyone reasoned, so even rigid General Zanders finally showed a hint of wavering.
Without Colonel Lelouch’s butterfly effect, without sending Keitel, Zanders’ original style would have been to fight to the death, seeking annihilation on the beachhead.
“Alright, I admit you have a point. But orderly defensive retreat isn’t perfect; it introduces new problems.” As Ottoman Army supreme commander, General Zanders raised his concern,
“As you said, after retreating 10 kilometers north, the peninsula width drops to 7 kilometers. There, though southern strait-facing side limits enemy fleet fire penetration,
the western side facing the broad Aegean Sea allows stronger enemy fire support. How do you solve that?”
（Note: The figure below is Keitel’s suggested defense plan）
Keitel, Leb, and Kesselring conferred briefly and quickly concluded: “No need to solve! Continue retreating then, or build railway gun positions to counter enemy ships daring to approach the west coast, even continue mining to keep enemy ships from nearing shore.
The northwest peninsula sea is also not broad; widest under 30 kilometers, while peninsula length is 80 kilometers. If enemy ships enter a 20-plus kilometer wide, 80-kilometer long narrow channel, mines can surely teach them a lesson.
Note, a 20-plus kilometer wide strait doesn’t mean the main channel is that wide. North and south shores have several kilometers of shallow water unsuitable for large enemy warships. They’d also dodge ubiquitous shore field guns; navigating the central under-10-kilometer channel is impressive enough.
Mining a vast sea might be hard, but sealing an under-10-kilometer narrow waterway is easy and efficient. Without naval gun cover, enemy land cannons and infantry stalemating our mountain heavy defenders—what’s to fear? Let them fight months, die tens of thousands here.”
This reasoning finally convinced General Zanders and Major General Kemal.
“We can follow this plan for orderly retreat and elastic defense. However, our minelaying boat team may be insufficient—the enemy fleet is huge and repeatedly swept all our Aegean Sea maritime presence pre-war.
Our surviving minelaying boats are hidden inside the strait, deep in south peninsula waters. Enemy ships block the strait outlet; our south peninsula minelaying boats can’t detour to north channels. This problem can’t be solved.”
Facing the Ottomans’ final concern, William Keitel had no solution, only making do with available resources.
But then, the previously taciturn Colonel Albert Kesselring, airship force head, suddenly spoke:
“Minelaying boats blockaded isn’t a big issue. Minelaying doesn’t require boats. Before, Colonel Lelouch officer comprehensively studied moored mine offense-defense while researching mine sweeping weapons. Pre-departure, when consulting him, he mentioned opportunities combining mines and airship forces.
He said he’d tested: Empire mines dropped from under 20 meters height into water differ little in impact from pushing off surface vessel sterns; mines won’t explode on water impact.
So theoretically, airships flying low can carry out minelaying, though low capacity: a full-load airship lays at most 8~12 mines, as mines are heavy with chained anchors all dropped by airship. Airplanes’ current payload can’t lay even one mine.
Wrapping mines in water-break buffer airbags could allow slightly higher drop from over 30 meters, but higher would smash and explode.”
Airships could mine areas warships can’t enter?!
This shocking news finally convinced General Zanders completely.
Thus, gradual retreat to consume the enemy became a solid winning hand.
General Zanders finally ordered formally: “Major General Kemal, I require you to hold Kilitbahir high ground another week or so, then drag slowly three or four days during north retreat, buying time for second defense line northeast to build reverse slope tunnels.
Then, your troops can formally withdraw into the second defense line before September 10, abandoning Kilitbahir high ground and Eceabat town.”
Kemal: “Yes! Supreme Commander, I have confidence to hold the enemy another ten days!”
In any case, this world’s conditions were far better than original.
At least Colonel Lelouch sent them heavy artillery groups, railway guns, airships, fighters, even new minelaying tech.
Even with enemy forces over 50% more than original, Kemal remained confident in holding.
