Chapter 305: No Weaponization In Space
As mentioned before, when Lyndon Johnson urged Lin Ran to quickly start the Apollo Moon Landing, he brought up GATT as a bargaining chip.
At that time, Lin Ran did not agree to the other party, but this has always been a card in Lyndon Johnson’s hand, just waiting to see when he would play it.
After seeing the Star Wars Program, this card became a chip that Lyndon Johnson held in his hand.
From the passage of the America Congress bill to China truly joining GATT, there are countless steps that rely on Lyndon Johnson.
At least in these two years, Lin Ran believed he would cooperate very well with Lyndon Johnson.
If someone else came, without the burden of the Vietnam War defeat, they might not support his Star Wars Program.
After a brief delay of two days in Washington, Lin Ran returned to the Redstone Arsenal in Huntsville City, which has now been renamed the Marshall Space Flight Center.
However, Lin Ran still preferred its old name: Redstone Arsenal.
Inside the Redstone Arsenal, the roar from the rocket test bench could be heard from time to time.
In Von Braun’s office, the bookshelf held models of a series of rockets such as the V-2 rocket, Saturn I, and Saturn V rocket, and the walls were covered with complex rocket design drawings.
Von Braun was sitting behind the desk, reviewing a report on the propulsion system improvement for the first stage of the Saturn V rocket.
His expression was focused, occasionally making marks on the paper with a pen.
A light knock on the door broke the silence.
Von Braun: “Please come in.”
The door opened, and Lin Ran walked in.
Lin Ran said: “Good morning, Dr. Braun.”
Von Braun put down his pen and smiled: “Professor, you’re finally back. I’ve looked at your design proposal for the reusable rocket and Merlin engine. I was hoping to have a good chat with you about it.”
He continued: “The Merlin engine uses RP-1 and liquid oxygen as propellants, similar to the F-1 and H-1 engines we designed in the past, but considering its design goal is to support reusable launch vehicles.
I believe your design, Professor, will completely change the way we enter space.
In the 1950s, I proposed the concept of a ferry rocket, and I had envisioned a reusable rocket stage.”
In 1948, Von Braun, along with other German soldiers brought back to America through Operation Paperclip, was detained in the desert of New Mexico.
During this process, he designed the ferry rocket.
(Ferry rocket model)
This is a three-stage launch vehicle. The first stage has wide stabilizing fins, is drum-shaped, 20 meters in diameter, 29 meters tall, with a dry mass of 700 tons and a propellant load of 4800 tons.
Therefore, the weight of just the first stage rocket is almost twice that of the Saturn V rocket, the latter weighing about 3000 tons.
The weight of the second and third stage rockets would make the total weight of the ferry rocket at launch a staggering 6400 tons, with propellant weighing up to 5583 tons.
This design is extremely exaggerated; even up to the 2020 spacetime, no one has built it.
Von Braun flipped open the blueprints, pointing to a detailed engine cross-sectional diagram.
On the blueprint, the structures of the combustion chamber, nozzle, and turbopump were clearly visible, with a dense string of performance parameters beside them.
Lin Ran nodded: “That’s right. The core features of the Merlin engine are its throttling capability and multiple ignition function.
It can adjust thrust from 40% to 100%, which is crucial for the vertical landing of the rocket first stage.
Additionally, it uses a pintle injector, similar to the injector we designed for the lunar module descent engine, providing excellent combustion stability.”
Von Braun picked up the blueprint and pointed to the pintle injector design: “Professor, I fully understand your design, but just a pintle injector?
Our lunar module descent engine did use this design, and the effect was good.
But that was bipropellant, a combination of nitrogen tetroxide and hydrazine.
The combustion characteristics of RP-1 and liquid oxygen are completely different. Professor, are you sure the pintle injector can adapt to this propellant?”
Lin Ran replied: “Of course. The advantage of the pintle injector is its simplicity and stability.
In the design proposal, by optimizing the geometry of the injector and the atomization method of the propellant, we can ensure thorough mixing of RP-1 and liquid oxygen.
Has Robert’s team’s combustion simulation not started yet?”
Von Braun’s expression was somewhat embarrassed: “Professor, you know, we just completed the moon landing. Many people haven’t gotten back into work mode yet, and a lot of engineers are still on vacation.
I’ll go urge them right away to prepare for high-intensity work!”
Lin Ran waved his hand: “I’ve already done preliminary combustion simulations, and the results show it remains stable at both high and low thrust.
This made Von Braun feel somewhat ashamed. The professor works so hard even on vacation—not surprising for the professor.
“Good, Professor. The injector issue can be solved. How did you consider the throttling capability?
Our F-1 and H-1 engines run at full power with no throttling function.
The lunar module engine can throttle, but its thrust is less than 10,000 pounds, while your designed Merlin has 192,000 pounds of thrust, slightly less than the latest version of the H-1’s 205,000 pounds.
How to achieve precise control of propellant flow for throttling?
Because from your rocket design, it needs multiple engines to provide sufficient total thrust.”
Lin Ran replied: “Braun, you’ve hit the key point. We need to develop hydraulically based valves and control systems.
More effort is needed in coordinated control.
We managed eight H-1s on Saturn I; nine engines won’t be an obstacle either.”
“Professor, the issue is that multiple ignitions are uncommon for first-stage engines.
The J-2 upper-stage engine can be restarted, but that’s a liquid hydrogen engine. Your designed Merlin engine doesn’t use liquid hydrogen.”
Lin Ran found the design drawing for the turbopump and ignition system: “Exactly, that’s what I wanted to discuss with you.
Multiple ignitions are indeed a challenge. Merlin needs a reliable ignition system. My idea is to use triethylaluminum-triethylborane as the igniter.
Have them conduct thorough testing in experimental engines.
Additionally, the turbopump and combustion chamber need to be designed to be more durable to withstand the stress of multiple thermal cycles.
For the follow-up, either improve the cooling channel design or have the engineering team develop higher-temperature superalloys.”
Von Braun showed a thoughtful expression: “Materials are an issue.
Our F-1 engine uses Inconel alloy, but that’s designed for single use.
For reuse, the engine needs to withstand the stress of multiple launches and landings.
Our current materials definitely can’t support this durability requirement, so I think we still need to develop new alloys.”
Lin Ran nodded: “My idea is that in this area, we can approach General, Boeing, Lockheed—they can improve the superalloys used in jet engines and they should work.
Additionally, in terms of design concept, this time we only accept modular components for easy inspection and replacement of damaged parts. We absolutely can’t do it like the Saturn V rocket, where every part is handcrafted, and someone else doing it would make it different.”
This spacetime has no Lockheed Martin, only Lockheed; Glenn Martin Company was acquired by General Aerospace.
After hearing this, Von Braun nodded in approval and then asked: “Professor, there’s one key issue: landing.
In your proposal, you want the first stage to land vertically?
That’s much more complex than the lunar module landing.
The lunar module has much smaller mass, and it’s in the moon’s low-gravity environment.
If it’s the rocket first stage landing on Earth, that requires extremely precise navigation and control systems.
Our Apollo navigation computer only has 2048 bytes of memory, with limited processing power.
Professor, how do you plan to solve this issue?”
This time, Lin Ran didn’t look for blueprints on the other’s desk but pulled a document from his own folder, showing a simplified control system schematic.
“Vertical landing does require an advanced control system. We need to develop dedicated analog controllers.
My idea is to borrow from the military’s missile guidance technology, combining gyroscopes and accelerometers for real-time control.
This is the specific proposal; you can take a look.”
Von Braun clapped: “Worthy of the professor. Reducing costs is an attractive goal—enough to shut up all the congressmen in Washington complaining about NASA burning too much budget.
The ferry rocket I designed in the past also envisioned something similar, but at the time I chose the simpler parachute recovery.
Professor, your vertical landing proposal has high risk, but if successful, it will completely change the game rules in the field of aerospace.
There will only be two kinds of rockets in the world: reusable rockets and non-reusable rockets.”
Lin Ran said: “So, Braun, prepare a detailed report listing all technical challenges and possible solutions.
We need to allocate resources as soon as possible to push this plan forward.
Also, I must add that if everything goes smoothly, we’ll soon get more budget from the White House.”
This greatly surprised Von Braun: “What? Even more?”
Given the nature of Washington congressmen, after completing the Apollo Moon Landing, they would definitely cut your budget.
Yet Lin Ran was telling him they would increase it.
This couldn’t help but make Von Braun have endless imaginings. What had the professor done to get food from the White House? And the media dared to report that the professor had fallen out with the president?
If they had fallen out and there’s still such strong support, what would it be like if they hadn’t?
Negotiations on the Outer Space Treaty were held at the Palais des Nations in Geneva.
This is where negotiations on the Berlin Crisis and establishing the US-Soviet hotline were once held.
Although the United Nations is in New York, the negotiations on the Outer Space Treaty were held at the Palais des Nations.
Representatives from 28 countries sat around the table, but all eyes were focused on two main figures: America representative Ambassador John Smith and Soviet Union representative Ambassador Ivan Petrov.
Hosting the meeting was the Legal Subcommittee Chairman Maria Gonzalez.
Smith and Petrov sat on opposite sides of the long table.
Each representative had thick legal documents in front of them.
Today, they all agreed to reach a result, centered on Article Four of the Outer Space Treaty: the core clause on the weaponization of space.
This has also been the point where the two sides have been unable to reach consensus.
Gonzalez spoke: “Esteemed representatives, today we continue discussing Article Four of the Outer Space Treaty draft, regarding the prohibition of placing weapons in space and restricting the uses of celestial bodies.
Ambassador Smith, please speak first.”
Smith stood up: “Thank you, Madam Chairman.
We firmly believe that outer space should not become a new battlefield.
We propose that no nation shall place nuclear weapons or any other weapons of mass destruction in orbit around Earth, on celestial bodies, or in any other manner in outer space.
The moon and other celestial bodies shall be used solely for peaceful purposes.”
Petrov was filled with vigilance inwardly: Peace has been destroyed by the Vietnam War; there is absolutely no peace between America and the Soviet Union at this moment.
Leonard, who replaced Nikita, is an even more deeply Cold War-thinking decision-maker.
Petrov interrupted: “We fully support the proposal to prohibit nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction.
But we must clarify the definition of peaceful uses.
Does America intend to exclude military reconnaissance satellites from the treaty? These satellites could be used for offensive purposes, which does not align with the spirit of peace.”
Smith frowned, feeling that Petrov’s doubt hit the vital point.
He quickly recalled Washington’s instructions in his mind: Ensure the treaty does not restrict America’s satellite reconnaissance program, which is an indispensable strategic advantage in the Cold War.
Especially after the White House decided to push the Star Wars Program, there could be no concessions on this.
Smith replied: “Ambassador Petrov, reconnaissance satellites are for defense and intelligence gathering, not in the category of weapons of mass destruction.
Our proposal explicitly prohibits nuclear weapons, chemical weapons, and biological weapons—these are the real threats to global security.
We hope the treaty focuses on preventing space from becoming a stage for nuclear confrontation.”
Dr. Gonzalez nodded, trying to ease the atmosphere.
She flipped open the draft document in front of her, densely covered with handwritten notes from various representatives.
Gonzalez: “The positions of the two ambassadors are very clear. Perhaps we can phrase it like this: The moon and other celestial bodies shall be used exclusively for peaceful purposes, prohibiting the establishment of military bases, conducting weapons tests, or military maneuvers.
At the same time, allowing military personnel to participate in scientific research or other peaceful activities.
Is this an acceptable compromise?”
Petrov felt this was also problematic: “Allowing military personnel to participate in peaceful activities sounds reasonable, but how to ensure these activities are not used as a cover for military purposes?
We need clear boundaries. Is America willing to accept an international supervision mechanism to verify the nature of space activities?”
Smith felt a wave of pressure.
He knew the White House and Washington were reserved about international supervision, as it might expose details of their satellite technology.
Plus, Korolev has passed away, but the professor is still there. With the professor in America, the advantage in the field of aerospace will only grow larger.
He quickly adjusted his strategy, trying to shift the topic.
“Supervision is a complex issue. Our space tracking system can already detect objects in orbit, providing technical assurance for treaty implementation.
The important thing is that we reach consensus on prohibiting the placement of weapons of mass destruction in orbit or on celestial bodies.
As for conventional weapons, current technology has not reached the point of needing a comprehensive ban.”
Petrov sneered and shook his head.
Inwardly, he was also full of contradictions: Because the Soviet Union wants to use the treaty to restrict America’s military expansion, but also needs to retain its own flexibility.
Petrov said: “Ambassador Smith, you mentioned conventional weapons, but who can guarantee they won’t evolve into offensive weapons?
The Soviet Union proposes that the treaty should prohibit the deployment of all weapons as broadly as possible to ensure the peaceful nature of space.”
A murmur rose in the meeting room as representatives from other countries began whispering.
The England representative raised his hand to speak, trying to ease the atmosphere, but Gonzalez signaled him to wait.
She felt the tension in the meeting room rising and needed to find a breakthrough quickly.
“Ambassadors, our goal is to reach an executable treaty.
Perhaps we can first focus on prohibiting weapons of mass destruction, while clarifying that military personnel and equipment can be used for peaceful purposes, such as scientific research.
Can this serve as a starting point?”
Smith and Petrov exchanged a glance, their gazes filled with probing and wariness.
Smith knew Washington wanted to retain the legality of reconnaissance satellites, while Petrov was striving for the maximum strategic space for Moscow.
Both were weighing: If they compromise, can they reach an agreement without sacrificing national interests?
Ambassador Smith softened his tone: “We agree that military personnel and equipment can be used for peaceful purposes, such as NASA’s scientific missions.
But we must make it clear: Prohibit establishing military bases on the moon and other celestial bodies, testing any type of weapon, or conducting military maneuvers.
This will ensure space is not used for offensive purposes.”
Petrov was silent for a moment.
He knew the Soviet Union’s space program also relied on military resources; a comprehensive ban on military activities might restrict future development.
But he also understood that prohibiting weapons of mass destruction was in both sides’ common interest.
Petrov: “Alright, Moscow can accept this wording.
But we hope the treaty explicitly states that any form of weapons testing or military maneuvers on celestial bodies is prohibited.
We cannot let space become another Cuba.”
Smith felt things could achieve unprecedented progress today.
Petrov mentioned Cuba to remind everyone of the danger of nuclear war, while he also saw hope for reaching an agreement.
Smith said: “We fully agree.
Let us work together to ensure space becomes a shared heritage for all humanity, not a stage for conflict.”
After the meeting, Smith and Petrov had a private talk in a small lounge at the Palais des Nations.
The room had only a small round table and a few chairs.
Smith held a coffee cup, trying to break the stalemate.
Smith: “Ivan, we all know that nuclear weapons in space would be a disaster.
The Cuba Missile Crisis showed us how close the edge was.
If we can reach this treaty, it will be a giant step for humanity.”
Petrov lit a cigarette; his eyes remained vigilant, but his tone softened slightly.
“John, I agree, but the Kremlin is concerned that America’s missile defense program might exploit space technology. We need to ensure the treaty isn’t circumvented.”
Smith set down his coffee cup, his tone sincere: “The treaty explicitly prohibits weapons of mass destruction. As for defense systems, that’s a future issue.
We can discuss it in other forums, like nuclear disarmament meetings. Let’s first settle this agreement.”
Petrov nodded and extinguished his cigarette.
He knew Moscow wanted to reach the treaty quickly to demonstrate the new Kremlin’s leadership on the international stage.
Petrov: “Alright, let’s try. But we will closely monitor the treaty’s implementation.”
Ultimately, Article Four of the Outer Space Treaty explicitly states: “Prohibiting the placement of nuclear weapons or other weapons of mass destruction in orbit or on celestial bodies; the moon and other celestial bodies shall be used solely for peaceful purposes, prohibiting military bases, weapons tests, and military maneuvers.”
The negotiations were in Geneva’s Palais des Nations; the final text was adopted at the United Nations General Assembly in New York, with applause ringing in the meeting room.
Lin Ran, as the most famous figure in the contemporary field of aerospace—and even looking across all of aerospace history, one of the most famous—inviting him to give the closing speech at this assembly has always been on the conference organizers’ agenda.
“I am very pleased to see the Outer Space Treaty passed. This reflects the emphasis and cherishing of peace between America and the Soviet Union, showing we do not want space to become a battlefield for the Cold War.
I hope humanity can have a pure land.
Through the joint efforts of both sides, today the treaty has been passed, and space has legally gained tranquility.
But the Soviet Union’s behavior disappoints me. In the past year, the Soviet Union launched 10 nuclear-powered satellites into low Earth orbit.
These nuclear-powered satellites, though not weapons, if they lose control, the destruction they cause far exceeds that of weapons.
I am sorry to see this, and I am even more suspicious of the Soviet Union’s definition of peace and of space de-weaponization.
Because the day after the Outer Space Treaty clause on space de-weaponization was finalized, the Soviet Union launched another nuclear-powered satellite into space.”
Lin Ran pointed toward space. After his words fell, the representatives from various countries in attendance were in an uproar, all looking toward the Soviet Union representative in the front row.
Meanwhile, the allied representatives sitting around the Soviet Union representative were also inquiring.
Lin Ran’s words plunged the entire scene into chaos.
