Chapter 446: Nixon’s Pivot
Lin Ran’s idea was simple: if it’s free, take it.
Taking it from ROC was only natural.
As a young Chinese person who had experienced the 2019 incident where the Elegy for My Nephew was borrowed to Tokyo for exhibition, Lin Ran was furious when he saw it online.
Now taking it from ROC’s hands himself could be considered doing justice.
Over these ten years, Zhou Shukai first gave him gold, and later every year during holidays he would send gifts; even if they didn’t reach his hands, they would reach Jenny’s hands.
They weren’t necessarily all precious, but they were absolutely heartfelt.
Lin Ran watched Zhou Shukai leave carrying a suitcase, and could only say sorry in his heart.
It’s not that I won’t help you, it’s that the camp you belong to, those people are really hopeless, unable to become the common leader of global Chinese people.
As for whether ROC would blame him, that was not important at all.
Not to mention that Lin Ran was a White House Senior Official, even if he were just a renowned Chinese descent mathematician, ROC wouldn’t dare do anything to him.
Their weak nature was seen through by Lin Ran at a glance.
Time passed quickly.
Two days passed in the blink of an eye.
Television stations across all Free World Countries were ready early to broadcast.
The studio was simply arranged: two armchairs, a small table, with the America national flag in the background.
Lin Ran and Nixon sat down, neither dressed very formally.
Just shirts, no suits or ties.
Lin Ran wore a blue shirt, while Nixon wore a white one.
Lin Ran gave a thumbs up to the camera, signaling that it could begin.
The live broadcast staff responded with a thumbs up, indicating everything was ready; as the lights came on, Lin Ran formally began today’s conversation:
“Hello, audience friends in front of your televisions, I am Randolph Lin. I am very pleased to be here with Mr. President, speaking to the national public about the Cold War, about our future, and also about the sea of stars.
Of course, the most important is the recent series of disputes, which I will ask Mr. President about one by one.”
Nixon’s expression was serious; after hearing Lin Ran finish, he nodded to the camera.
“So Mr. President, are those photos real?”
Nixon countered: “Which photos? There have been too many photos lately. Damn V, or Soviet people, or remnants of the Third Reich—anyway, since President Johnson’s time, we’ve had too many photos published in newspapers.
There are those about President Kennedy’s death, about Robert Kennedy’s, about Hoover’s death. I feel that America’s turmoil has been intensifying since the 1960s.”
Lin Ran interrupted: “Of course it’s the photos of Consultant Kissinger in Lion City. If you want to talk about the others, we can chat slowly.”
Nixon said: “The others, I don’t know much about many of them.
As for Henry, I can tell you, it’s real.”
In front of televisions, the American public watching the live broadcast, the public of European allies, the public of South Vietnam, and most importantly the public of Taipei, were all shocked inwardly.
They knew this live broadcast wouldn’t follow convention, so it would speak truths, but they didn’t expect it to be so direct.
So direct that right from the start, it directly admitted they were secretly negotiating in private.
Nixon continued: “Yes, Professor, we are trying to negotiate with China. This is not some secret transaction; it’s exploration of contact for peace.
We are bleeding continuously on the Vietnam War frontline, but war cannot go on forever.
China is the key to peace.
They can influence North Vietnam.
We are not betraying allies, but seeking a path to end the war.”
Lin Ran then asked: “Mr. President, this also leads some to believe this is an attempt to dialogue with China. Does this mean that this negotiation will lead to normalization of relations between us and China?
Will we establish diplomatic relations, exchange ambassadors, resume trade relations, and all sorts of normal behaviors between countries, reappearing between us and China?”
Nixon’s expression changed from relaxed to serious: “Fellow Americans, as I wrote in my article ‘After Annam in Asia’ published in Foreign Affairs before becoming president: On this small planet, there is no place for a billion of the world’s most capable people to live in angry isolation.
China cannot be isolated forever.
In the 1950s, like you, I held a hardline attitude toward China, believing we could not contact them, that they were the main threat in the Cold War besides the Soviet Union.
At that time, my attitude was that we needed to promote isolating Red China.
Back then, as a congressman and vice president, I firmly stood on the anti-G frontline, supporting our ally ROC, and viewed them as an enemy that must be contained.
This was not empty talk; it was the instinctive reaction of our generation facing the red tide.
We saw the trauma brought by the Korean War, saw the Soviet Union’s expansionist ambitions, and believed isolation was the only way to protect the Free World.
Many Americans, especially those soldiers who fought bloody battles on the Annam battlefield and their families, may still hold this view.
I understand your anger and doubts, because I once felt the same.
But I realized the world is changing, and the realities of the Cold War force us to reexamine our strategy.
Today, we are deeply mired in the Annam quagmire. Our young people are bleeding in the jungle, our families are mourning lost loved ones, and this war seems endless.
North Vietnam’s stubborn resistance partly stems from support behind them, including aid from China.
This made me reflect: can continuing this confrontation really bring peace?
The Soviet Union is our greatest threat, expanding its influence globally, while China’s rift with the Soviet Union is deepening.
If we continue isolating China, we are unintentionally pushing them closer to Moscow.
This is not good for America, not good for the Free World.
As your president, I have the responsibility to lead us out of the stalemate.
Exploring dialogue with China is not weak appeasement, but pragmatic strategy.
It can help us isolate the Soviet Union, weaken North Vietnam’s supply lines, and ultimately end this war.
Think of those soldiers on the front lines: if we can persuade China through diplomatic means to reduce support for North Vietnam, we can bring our boys home sooner.
We can avoid the painful failure facing our Air Force this time.
We can avoid more needless sacrifices.
The Vietnam War is not our destiny; it is a tragedy we must end.
Through contact with China, we are not betraying South Vietnam, but striving for a more stable future for them, a peace without great power interference.
Fellow compatriots, I know this change is not easy to accept.
Those exposed photos have sparked controversy, but they represent our efforts for peace; this is not a conspiracy.
Let us unite and support this new diplomatic path.
It will bring economic opportunities, a market of a billion people, creating jobs for our workers; it will enhance our global position, shifting us from Cold War defense to offense.
History will prove this is not betrayal, but foresight.”
After listening, Lin Ran thought that Elephant Party presidents were indeed cut from the same cloth, not hiding their intentions at all.
The big T in 2025 was like that too.
But Nixon was still better, not so naked and foolish.
Lin Ran asked: “Mr. President, I agree that peaceful dialogue is always better than war.
But specifically how to do it? How can you guarantee that relations between us and China can be repaired? And make China not suspect it’s a conspiracy?
For example, after we restore relations with China and defeat the Soviet Union with China’s help, there will be few GC countries globally, and perhaps only China will have sufficient influence. Then we turn the guns on China.
The future I described is likely China’s worry.
How do we convince China, convince them for peace talks, convince them to accept us?”
Nixon nodded slightly, adjusted the microphone, and looked firmly at the lens.
He tried to ease Lin Ran’s sharp questioning while conveying confidence to the national audience.
“Professor, your question hits the nail on the head; this is also a worry many Americans, including myself, have pondered.
First, thank you for your frankness; this is the essence of our democracy.
Yes, peaceful dialogue is better than war, but it’s not empty talk; it requires concrete actions and accumulation of mutual trust.
Let me explain step by step, especially from an economic perspective, because a prosperous China is not only a strategic partner for us, but also an economic opportunity.
First, repairing relations is not overnight. We will start with low-level diplomatic contacts, like exchanging information through third-party channels, building initial mutual trust.
This is not a conspiracy, but an open strategic adjustment.
We will invite Chinese representatives to international conferences to discuss common concerns, such as nuclear non-proliferation or Asian stability.
At the same time, we will promote economic exchanges: open trade doors, letting American companies enter the China market, and welcoming China products into America.
This is not one-sided boon, but mutual benefit.
China needs our technology, we need their market and labor.
Think about it: this can create millions of jobs for American workers, bring a billion-person market, helping us recover from the economic wounds of the Vietnam War.
As for your concern that China may fear we use and discard, turning against them after defeating the Soviet Union—this is reasonable.
Yanjing’s side are all shrewd strategists; they will also weigh the risks.
But our guarantees are not empty promises, but based on shared interests, especially economic interests.
With a prosperous China and close trade and economic ties between us and China, how could we let our own market fall into turmoil?
If we establish solid economic ties with China, exporting our agricultural products, machinery, and technology, importing their goods and services.
This will create a mutually dependent system.
Our companies will rely on China as part of the supply chain, our consumers will benefit from cheaper goods.
If we turn the guns on China, it would destroy our own economic stability, leading to stock market crash, surging unemployment, supply chain disruptions.
This does not serve our interests; we are not seeking short-term victory, but building long-term prosperity.
History proves trade can resolve enmity: look at our post-war relations with Japan, from enemies to allies, precisely because economic ties played the key role.
Convincing China? We’ve already started.
Our initial contacts show they are also tired of friction with the Soviet Union and hope to end the Annam war of attrition.
We will let actions speak: reduce military aid, turn to peaceful resolution; promise no interference in their internal affairs.
At the same time, we will publicly emphasize this is not a conspiracy, but a new framework for global stability.
China knows, from a geopolitics perspective, the Soviet Union is their greater threat.
They have a vast connected border, while between us is vast ocean.
Border conflicts are proof.
If we work together to defeat expansionism, we will enter a multipolar world, not a zero-sum game.
By then, China will become our partner, not the next target.
Because a prosperous China can stabilize Asian economy, reduce global conflicts, bring us more trade opportunities.
American compatriots, this is not adventure, but foresight.
The me in the 1950s was wrong; isolation cannot win the Cold War.
Only dialogue can bring true victory. Let us push this change together,
striving for a world without nuclear shadows for our children.”
The entire dialogue was unprecedentedly intense; Nixon said a lot of heartfelt truths.
In the original spacetime, it was only on the eve of his China visit that he made similar statements.
In a television address to the nation, he announced his formal visit to China, explaining it was to balance the Soviet threat, end the North Vietnam war, and usher in a global era of peace.
Similar to what he said now.
After the speech, Nixon’s approval rating rose instead of falling.
At the end of the conversation, Nixon said: “Additionally, I need to inform the national public that the professor will attend this year’s International Congress of Mathematicians held in Nice, France.
He will also engage in a new round of dialogue with China in Nice.
As the world’s most famous Chinese descent figure, the professor’s participation will undoubtedly help both sides build stronger mutual trust.
To resolve concerns arising from differing positions.”
After this television dialogue ended, capitalists thought of the huge revenues historically reaped in China.
The public thought of the sporadic consumer electronics products from China.
Washington congressmen, under pressure from capital behind them, only questioned whether Nixon could deliver; with Lin Ran’s endorsement, doubts in this regard dropped significantly.
Only Zhou Shukai in front of the television was dumbfounded:
You’ve accepted the gifts, and now as negotiator you’re going to talk with China? What kind of thing is this!
Zhou Shukai once wanted to flee; he couldn’t do this diplomat job for even a day.
