Chapter 166: Nasa Director Randolph Lin
“Fred can’t win!” Lin Ran said softly. “No chance.”
“Nixon, do you think Lyndon Johnson will forcefully push the Civil Rights Act?” Lin Ran asked in return.
Nixon thought for a moment and said: “He definitely will. It’s the only way for him to quell the current public anger and boost his favorability in the public’s eyes.”
“Do you still remember last year’s Birmingham church bombing?” Lin Ran continued.
Nixon nodded: “I remember.”
This refers to last year when Ku Klux Klan members placed a bomb in the 16th Street Baptist Church in Birmingham, Alabama, killing four Black girls and shocking America.
Nixon hesitated: “What do you mean?”
Lin Ran said: “Exactly. And Fred attended the infamous KKK rally. He was even arrested. Go check the June 1, 1927, edition of the New York Times, and you’ll still see the news of Fred’s arrest. He was one of the seven arrested members.
In the New York City council election, it won’t be dug up, but in the presidential election, do you think news that even I know about can’t be dug up by Lyndon Johnson?
One is a former president pushing the Civil Rights Act, the other is a New York real estate developer, a political novice entering politics, who joined the KKK when young.
Just for this reason alone, Fred can’t win.
Lyndon Johnson doesn’t need to distribute campaign flyers touting how great he is; he just needs to distribute flyers touting how despicable Fred is.”
After hearing this, Nixon understood and was certain Fred definitely couldn’t win.
After all, in current America, because they need to compete with the Soviet Union in the Cold War, they need to seize the moral high ground.
The president can be a white supremacist, but the premise is that no evidence is found, especially such clear evidence as a KKK rally.
This eliminates the last shred of chance for Fred to win.
Now Nixon was relieved, completely relieved.
“Professor, thank you. Now there’s only one last step left: to elevate Fred to the presidential candidate position.” Nixon’s gaze sharpened.
Lin Ran added: “Lyndon Johnson will help you.”
Nixon nodded: “Now I’m relieved.”
He then asked: “Professor, this is my personal curiosity. I hope you can answer me, but it’s fine if you don’t.
That is, when did you learn that Fred is a white supremacist, and do you not mind becoming friends with a white supremacist?
I always thought minority ethnic groups minded this a lot.”
Lin Ran nodded: “I do mind, but when Fred can bring me benefits, I can set that aside. The Randolph Building he built provides a good, affordable place for Chinese people.
Besides, everyone makes mistakes. Why remember his mistake from when he was in his twenties for a lifetime?”
Nixon smiled and said: “Including striking him fatally with his past KKK involvement when he thinks he’s reached the peak of his life.”
Lin Ran said matter-of-factly: “A mistaken idea from youth, and then as a minority ethnic group member, I give him a boomerang in maturity. Isn’t that exactly the interesting part of fate?”
After Lin Ran left, Nixon’s long-time ally and political consultant Robert Finch pushed the door open and entered.
“So? After listening to my entire conversation with the professor, what do you think?” Nixon asked.
Robert Finch sat in the chair, brow furrowed, thoughtfully saying: “The professor is too terrifying.”
Nixon gestured for him to continue.
“The professor truly has astonishing political wisdom. This wisdom may indeed be, as the outside world says, a universal wisdom.
That phrase: ‘In principle possible means no, in principle no means possible’ is incredibly clever in itself.
The professor’s brilliance is that he can not only anticipate your potential thoughts but also summarize them into theoretical generalizations.
I even guess that before coming, he already knew what you would say and what your worries were.
Regarding the reports of Fred attending the KKK rally, the professor could pinpoint the exact day.
I truly admire Kissinger, but compared to the professor, Kissinger is far behind.”
Lin Ran didn’t use any of the bargaining chips proposed by Lyndon Johnson.
He felt they weren’t needed at all.
As long as Nixon had any political wisdom, he would make the right choice.
It wasn’t completely without offering chips; the news and specific reports about Fred attending the KKK were chips.
Even if Lyndon Johnson couldn’t dig it up, Lin Ran believed Nixon would deliver a fatal blow to Fred at the critical moment.
Information gap is chips.
This empty-handed glove trick feels really great.
“Mr. President, I’ve met with Nixon.” After returning home, Lin Ran called the White House office directly, and the White House Chief of Staff transferred him to Lyndon Johnson.
“Professor, how did it go?” Lyndon Johnson asked.
He hoped for Fred to be selected, both because Fred, as a political novice, would be easier to deal with, and because knowing Nixon’s strategy afterward, Nixon would also play dirty during the campaign.
It would be like Fred facing enemies from both inside and outside, enjoying the same treatment as his own son in advance.
Not only facing attacks from the Donkey Party, but also from the Elephant Party establishment.
What is inheritance? This is inheritance!
Though a father inheriting to his son is a bit strange.
“Mission accomplished. Nixon will fully help Fred compete for the Elephant Party presidential candidate position.
Also, I convinced Nixon without mentioning the bargaining chips you suggested.” Lin Ran said.
“Good, professor. I’ll give you a surprise.” Lyndon Johnson said.
Not long after, Lin Ran knew what the surprise was.
After Kennedy’s assassination, Lyndon Johnson began pushing the Civil Rights Act.
In the joint session of Congress on November 27, Johnson proposed that no eulogy could better express respect for him than passing Kennedy’s bill.
Judiciary Committee Chairman Celler moved to transfer the bill from the Rules Committee to the full House, but this motion required an absolute majority of House votes.
At first, Celler struggled to gather the signatures needed for the motion.
Even by the winter recess of 1963, Celler still needed 50 more votes.
And after Kennedy’s death plus V’s revelations, the situation worsened further.
The resistance from minority ethnic groups grew more intense.
Finally, in January, the House passed the Civil Rights Act, easing the current tensions in America.
Meanwhile, under pressure from Lyndon Johnson, Robert Kennedy voluntarily announced his resignation as Attorney General. In exchange, he obtained the chairmanship of the Kennedy investigation committee to continue investigating the truth of Kennedy’s death.
And James Webb was transferred to Attorney General.
In America, nine out of ten White House senior officials or congressmen are law professionals.
If the Brahmins in science are mathematics, then in American political circles, the Brahmins are law, almost beyond doubt.
James Webb is a Doctor of Law from George Washington University Law School and holds a Columbia District lawyer qualification.
After the NASA Director position opened up, anyone could tell who Lyndon Johnson wanted to hand it to.
White House Oval Office, the huge desk piled with documents.
Johnson sat in the middle, with his special assistant Walter Rostow beside him.
Johnson leaned forward, hands clasped tightly, gaze firmly fixed on Rostow: “Walter, I’ve been thinking about the NASA matter.”
Rostow nodded, tone cautious: “Johnson, of course I know who you mean. The professor is undoubtedly the best choice. In today’s intensely competitive space race, he is the one who can ignite the public’s imagination.
But we still have a small problem to solve. First, the professor is a minority ethnic group member; second, the professor is an American not born in America; third, the professor may, possibly, probably be considered by some hardliners to have ties to the Soviet Union.
Of course I don’t object to choosing the professor as NASA Director, but we must consider these issues.”
Johnson leaned back in his chair, fingers tapping the desk lightly, a sly glint in his eyes:
“It might have been abrupt in the past, but now, think about it: the Civil Rights Act is about to pass, and the public has all sorts of doubts about the White House.
Choosing the professor as NASA Director will send a very clear signal: in America, every talented person can ascend to the highest stage.
This can also effectively quell the current opposition from minority ethnic groups.
As for the professor having ties to the Soviet Union, do they have evidence? And why didn’t the Soviet Union take the professor away? The IA has investigated for so long—did they find any evidence linking the professor to the Soviet Union?
We must crack down harshly on such malicious speculation!”
Rostow’s brow furrowed slightly, tone carrying a hint of worry: “Mr. President, this is indeed a bold idea. But you know, in Congress, especially the Southern Donkey Party members, they’re already unhappy about the Civil Rights Act. Nominating a minority ethnic group member as NASA Director might spark controversy.”
Johnson suddenly stood, walked to the window, back to Rostow, voice low and powerful:
“Walter, I don’t care about controversy. I’m the president, and what we need to do now is push this country forward. The Civil Rights Act will pass, and the space program must continue to lead.
Why not have the world’s most famous scientist lead us forward? We must show the world that America’s future belongs to everyone.”
Rostow stood, walked to Johnson’s side, tone analytical: “Mr. President, I understand your vision. But we must consider the Senate’s reaction. Nominating a minority ethnic group member, especially now, might unite the Southern faction and some Elephant Party members in opposition. They might use it to attack you.”
Johnson turned around, gaze sharp, voice resounding:
“Let them oppose! I’ll personally lobby. I’ll call Everett and tell him this is America’s future, not a party struggle. I’ll get Martin Luther King and civil rights leaders to publicly support this nomination. Walter, we can’t back down just because we’re afraid of controversy.”
Rostow took a deep breath, nodded: “You’re right, Mr. President. Setting aside those three points, the professor is indeed an impeccable candidate—a person with extremely high prestige in the scientific community who can also represent minority ethnic groups. This will be a historic moment for us.”
Johnson returned to the desk, picked up a cigar, lit it, and exhaled a puff of smoke: “Do you know why I suddenly made up my mind?”
Rostow shook his head: “Why?”
Johnson said: “Because the NASA Director needs not just technical expertise, but also political skill and public charisma. Clearly, the professor in the past only lacked political skill, and his ability to convince Nixon without political chips is no easy feat.
Nixon is a hardliner no less than me.
Oh, and you forgot to mention, we need someone who can make Americans believe he can get us to the moon.”
Lyndon Johnson proposed Randolph Lin for the NASA Director position.
Since NASA Director is a senior administrative position in the American Government, similar to a minister.
NASA Director is considered a “principal officer,” created by the 1958 National Aeronautics and Space Act, which stipulates that the director is nominated by the president and appointed after Senate confirmation.
The law specifies that the NASA Director is a civilian position (not military), responsible for leading NASA’s scientific, technical, and administrative affairs, reporting directly to the president.
The appointment process is roughly: presidential nomination, Senate review—not voting, but review.
It requires review by relevant committees, mainly the Senate Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation.
The committee holds hearings to evaluate the candidate’s qualifications, experience, and potential conflicts of interest.
After the hearings, the committee submits the nomination to the full Senate, which requires a simple majority to pass—51 votes.
Actually, the hearings are the hardest part; the subsequent vote is very easy.
According to records from the Senate Historical Office, in the 88th Congress (1963-1965), the Donkey Party held 67 seats, the Elephant Party 33.
The reason the Civil Rights Act was so difficult is because it had a prerequisite process called extended debate, which must be gone through before entering formal legislation.
The key obstacle to passing the Civil Rights Act was getting 67 votes (two-thirds) to end the extended debate. Once extended debate ends, the final bill vote only needs 51 votes.
At the time, many conservative Donkey Party members from Southern states were outright unwilling to let the Civil Rights Act pass.
The hearing was held in the Senate Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation hearing room.
The atmosphere in the hearing room was even more tense, thick with tobacco smoke, reporters’ fingers flying over typewriters.
Attendees included not only congressmen but also reporters and civil rights organization representatives.
Donkey Party Senator Magnuson from Washington, as chairman, banged the gavel, voice slightly weary:
“Everyone, this hearing is now in session. We will review the nomination of Professor Randolph Lin. Professor, please prepare to answer questions on technical details and security-related matters.”
Lin Ran stood, adjusted his suit, and said: “Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, I am ready.”
Reporters in the audience were whispering.
“Jenny, does the professor still need to answer technical details?” a reporter asked.
Jenny said helplessly in a low voice: “It’s a routine process. The most critical part is still the security review.”
Senator Kutcher flipped through documents, tone mild but focused:
“Professor Lin, you have mentioned optimizing Apollo Program management.
Please specify how you will handle the test delays for the Saturn V rocket?”
Lin Ran answered: “Senator, the Saturn V test delays mainly stem from stability issues in the liquid fuel system.
I will communicate directly with Dr. von Braun to prioritize solving the vibration issues in the propulsion system design.
At the same time, I will increase the frequency of simulation tests from once a month to every two weeks to discover and solve problems faster.
This will require additional funds, but I believe budget balance can be achieved by streamlining other non-critical projects.”
Everyone who heard this had only one thought: that’s impressive.
Because normally, this would be handled by experts or professional senior engineers.
At most, reasonably allocating resources from a human resources perspective.
But with the professor, it’s directly me handling it personally, me solving it.
The problem is, no one doubts the professor can’t do it.
Senator McArdle frowned, fingers tapping the desk, tone stern: “Professor, your mention of ‘additional funds’ worries me.
NASA is already a money pit.
Can you guarantee these adjustments won’t cost taxpayers an extra penny?”
Lin Ran answered: “I cannot promise no budget increase, but my goal is to avoid overruns through internal optimization.
For example, I will reassess existing contracts, cancel redundant consultant fees, and prioritize using existing test facilities.
Subsequently, I will submit a detailed financial plan to the committee, ensuring every expense yields returns.
But I must point out that budget and progress are linked. No matter how capable I am, I cannot ignore the budget and speed up progress out of thin air.”
Senator Thurmond asked: “If you become NASA Director, you will be the federal government’s first minority ethnic group senior official. Will you increase the number of minority ethnic group employees within NASA to reflect America’s diversity?”
Senior official here refers to positions in the federal government that require presidential nomination and Senate confirmation.
Previously, there were only Black ambassadors, like the ambassador to Finland or Romania.
The White House’s first minority ethnic group minister wouldn’t come until Lyndon Johnson’s 1966, when Robert Weaver became Secretary of Housing and Urban Development.
From this angle, Lin Ran truly is the first.
“I will work to increase the number of minority ethnic group employees within NASA, but not just for superficial diversity goals, but to fundamentally reform an institution that has long neglected marginalized groups.
Let me explain from a deeper level. NASA is a symbol of technology and power, but its structure, hiring, promotion, and culture reflect broader inequalities in American society.
Minority ethnic groups—whether African, Latino, Asian, or Native—have long been excluded from the core of science and technology fields.
This exclusion is not due to lack of ability, but an invisible ideology that defines white males as leaders and innovators in technology.
This notion is wrong and dangerous, as it limits our ability to mobilize all talent, and the space race needs the contributions of every genius.
As an institution, NASA overly relies on instrumental rationality, pursuing efficiency and achievements while neglecting social justice. Our hiring processes, engineering teams, even our public image, unwittingly reinforce an unequal power structure.
Critically, this structure not only oppresses minority ethnic groups but also weakens NASA’s own potential. If we continue ignoring more than half the talent pool, how can we defeat the Soviet Union? How can we achieve the moon landing dream?
I know some will question: Won’t this lower NASA’s standards? My answer is: quite the opposite. True standards are talent and dedication, qualities that transcend skin color.
Ignoring the potential of minority ethnic groups is the real betrayal of standards.
I will give minority ethnic groups more opportunities provided they can perform the jobs.”
Reporters in the audience frantically recorded Lin Ran’s speech. In today’s intertwining of Kennedy’s death and the Civil Rights Act, Lin Ran’s answer was undoubtedly inspiring.
Lin Ran thought to himself: You’ve been doing diversity for so many years; it’s not overstepping for me to help you get a head start, right?
Lin Ran certainly wouldn’t go overboard with massive Black hiring, but as long as he opened the door.
After he leaves, NASA becoming minority ethnic group-heavy by focusing on skin color over ability will be inevitable.
This deviation is inevitable.
Wrote over 10,000 words, begging for monthly tickets~
