Chapter 167: The White House Needs A New Name!
The reporters and civil rights representatives present thought Lin Ran would avoid this question.
Because everyone knew very well that the hearing was just a formality.
As long as conservative congressmen couldn’t find evidence of Lin Ran’s open ties to the Soviet Union, in these turbulent times, all Lin Ran needed to do was quietly wait for the Senate voting result.
The Donkey Party held the majority, and Lin Ran was not without origin in America; Morgan and Rockefeller would strongly support him, the Hearst family also had enormous influence in Washington, and the Senate couldn’t possibly fail to pass it.
They originally thought Lin Ran would give a high-sounding response to such a question.
He only needed to say: under the premise of being qualified, he would tend toward minority ethnic groups.
Such a vague answer leaned toward minority ethnic groups but was also based on the premise of fairness.
At most, he would accept reporter interviews afterward and explain a bit more: society favored White People in employment, so government hiring, under the premise of being qualified, appropriately favored minority ethnic groups.
From the perspective of interests, such an answer was the most beneficial for Lin Ran.
But what Lin Ran said was far more than what he needed to say.
He described America’s oppression of minority ethnic groups as systemic oppression.
It must be known that at present, Black People felt oppressed, but Black People lacked theoretical scholars; they could only describe this oppression from individual feelings, from the case level.
At this time, the Donkey Party and minority ethnic groups had not fully converged.
Black People’s protests lacked theory.
Some of their activists even had to borrow socialism thought from far away across thousands of miles.
The typical among them was the Black Panther Party.
When Lin Ran’s expression crossed spacetime, bringing to those present discourses from sixty years later that were fully mature, containing the shadow of discourse on minority ethnic groups being systematically oppressed, the entire meeting room first went quiet, then civil rights representatives began to applaud, then reporters, and finally a small portion of congressmen also applauded along.
“I think the Civil Rights Act is a good start for America, but using it as a lens, we can see through it the systemic oppression of minority ethnic groups by American society over a long period in the past.
The Civil War only ended exploitation at the personal level, but systemic oppression still existed for a long time; this oppression was maintained through social norms, institutional rules, and daily practices. In many cases, it may not have been caused by some active oppressor, but was the result of people being subtly influenced.
Change starts now. NASA, as a federal institution, also needs to make its own small contribution to humanity’s equality.
This is my answer.”
After the applause on site subsided, Lin Ran continued.
After Lin Ran finished speaking, the applause on site nearly lifted the roof of the meeting hall.
No one paid attention to the subsequent questions and answers.
Civil rights representatives had many ideas sparked; they recorded what Lin Ran said in their notebooks, waiting to immediately send telegraphs to protesting compatriots everywhere upon returning.
“Systemic oppression, the professor said it perfectly!”
“We never had the opportunity to receive education in the past, and there is a great lack at the theoretical level. I think we should cooperate more with people of Chinese descent. They can provide us with theoretical support.”
In the subsequent Q&A session, civil rights representatives revolved around the theory proposed by Lin Ran. Even though this theory was incomplete, just fragments, everyone felt it had great value.
Academic discussions on the systemic oppression of minority ethnic groups began to rise in the 1980s; the 2006 publication of “Systemic Racism: Oppression Theory” fully summarized this theory, and the 2020 Floyd incident brought it into the public view, making it a mainstream discourse.
Therefore, the viewpoint proposed by Lin Ran had epoch-making significance at present, especially for the Black community that was extremely lacking in theory; this was a weapon to enrich their arsenal of thought.
Why am I living poorly? Because I suffer from systemic oppression from White society!
“Professor, last question: Korolev met you once each in London and Geneva. You speak Russian Language, and public information shows your Russian Language is very fluent, yet your enrollment records at Göttingen never show you took any Russian Language related courses.
May I ask if you have any ties to the Soviet Union? What is your attitude toward the Soviet Union?” Chairman Magnuson asked.
Lin Ran explained: “My Russian Language relies on self-study from my youth. Geniuses always learn things quickly. When I was young, the Soviet Union and the free world were still allies.
I have no relationship with the Soviet Union. The meeting with Korolev in London was due to a security personnel’s mistake; IA has detailed internal records. The meeting with Korolev in Geneva was with the consent of President Lyndon Johnson, for talks to promote a peace agreement and hotline between both sides.
Neither meeting was one I could control.
I consider the Soviet Union our biggest competitor. We need to prove to the world that America is the only answer for humanity to move toward the future and step into the universe. This is also the reason I joined NASA for the position.”
Former NASA Director James Webber stood up: “Mr. Chairman, I request to speak. As the current NASA manager, I believe Professor Lin’s technical expertise and leadership ability are impeccable. His nomination will inject new vitality into NASA.
The rumors about Professor Lin and the Soviet Union are utter nonsense, deliberately fabricated rumors by conservatives. I have worked with Professor Lin for many years; he is a great scientist and has never shown any agreement with socialism.”
Senator Thurmond impatiently waved his hand: “Mr. Webber, of course you support Johnson’s pick. But this doesn’t change everyone’s doubts.”
Chairman Magnuson banged the gavel, his voice resounding: “Alright, today’s hearing ends here. Thank you, Professor Lin and all committee members, for participating. This hearing is adjourned. The committee will vote on the nomination result next week.”
“Professor.”
After the hearing ended, as Lin Ran, preparing to return home with Jenny, was packing his things, he heard an unfamiliar White man approach him.
“Hello, who are you?” Lin Ran asked. He vaguely recalled having seen him inside the White House, but they had no direct interaction.
“Professor, I am Harris Wofford. I was previously President Kennedy’s special assistant for civil rights affairs and also Martin Luther King’s consultant.” The White man said.
Lin Ran immediately retrieved this person from his brain.
The reason he knew this person was quite ingenious—not because of his identity, but because of his explosive deeds in future news.
This Donkey Party senator from the 90s, consultant to Martin Luther King and Kennedy in the 60s, in 2016 at the age of 90 entered the hall of marriage with a “young man” in his forties.
Lin Ran, originally just wanting to sort out the intricate connections between 60s political figures, remembered this political figure because of this explosive news.
Because of such news, Lin Ran subconsciously labeled him an opportunist in his heart: “I have an impression; I saw you at the White House.”
Harris Wofford felt sour inside. Everyone was a special assistant from Kennedy’s era—how did you leap to become NASA director, while I was marginalized in President Lyndon Johnson’s White House and assigned to Africa as some Peace Corps special representative?
This couldn’t even be considered ordinary exile; it was being exiled to the empire’s edge.
Comparing people is infuriating.
“Professor, what you said earlier was brilliant, better than the most incisive summary of Black oppression by any professor when I was at Howard University.” Wofford flattered.
Lin Ran showed no smugness on his face. Wofford continued: “Martin Luther King hopes to meet you, professor. Also, are you willing to write an article publishing your discourse on minority ethnic groups suffering systemic oppression?
I think thousands of minority ethnic groups across this country hope to see such an inspiring article summarizing everyone’s dissatisfaction.”
After hearing this, Lin Ran nodded: “Of course, but I’m going back to work at Redstone Arsenal soon. If Mr. King wants to see me, he needs to do it quickly, before I leave Washington.
Additionally, I am of course very willing to do something for minority ethnic groups. I will communicate with the New York Times to publish the article there. When it’s published, I’ll send you a copy.”
On the way back, Jenny proactively brought up in the car: “That guy earlier is a weirdo in Washington.”
Lin Ran asked curiously: “Why do you say that?”
“He’s a White Person who went to Howard University for college.” Jenny said. Seeing no reaction from Lin Ran in the passenger seat, “It’s a traditionally Black university with a very long history.
When he was studying, the opposition between Black People and White People was very intense. Maybe my guess is that the entire law school at the time had only him as a White Person. Black People faced personal danger in White areas, and White People similarly in Black areas.”
After hearing this, Lin Ran immediately changed his view of Wofford. After all, making such a choice in his youth didn’t necessarily make him an opportunist; he could also be an idealist.
“His current situation is very bad. Previously, he helped Kennedy gain Martin Luther King’s support; Martin Luther King originally supported Nixon.
And relied on blue propaganda pamphlets to gain a large number of Black ballots.
That blue pamphlet was very crude, using very straightforward language to promote Kennedy, but compared to newspapers and magazines, this pamphlet was obviously easier for Black voters to understand, given their limited reading ability.
Just as you said, Black People suffer systemic oppression, and the education system is part of the oppression.
But President Lyndon Johnson doesn’t like him. Maybe there’s some contradiction between them that outsiders don’t know; in any case, his influence in the White House has greatly diminished.”
After hearing this, Lin Ran explained the purpose of him approaching.
Jenny asked: “The viewpoint on minority ethnic groups suffering systemic oppression—was that your own idea, or did Professor Horkheimer propose it and you summarized it?”
Lin Ran said: “I thought of it myself.”
Jenny laughed: “This could become a branch of critical theory. Actually, refined a bit, it could be used as a PhD thesis to graduate from Columbia University with a philosophy PhD.”
Lin Ran helplessly said: “Professor Horkheimer’s expectations for me are probably more than that.”
Jenny thought for a moment and nodded: “That’s true. Professor Horkheimer definitely hopes you can be his successor, becoming the banner of the Frankfurt School.
The systemic oppression theory is certainly useful, but it has more political value than academic value.
Also, I don’t think you can’t write it well. As a person of Chinese descent making such a statement is great, but I suggest you publish the article after the NASA director position is confirmed.
That way it will be better for you personally, reducing unnecessary variables.”
Lin Ran shook his head: “Publishing after the vote ends—such behavior is what opportunists do. What I’m thinking is to write it tonight when I get back and publish it in the New York Times tomorrow.”
Jenny immediately understood Lin Ran’s idea. Publishing the article after the position is announced would indeed leave an impression of opportunism in the eyes of those paying attention.
Wanting reputation from the civil rights side and power from the White House, grabbing both.
“Professor, to use words from Chinese culture, gentlemen judge by deeds not by heart. If you publish late, no one has the right to accuse you.” Jenny still wanted to persuade a bit more.
Of course she hoped Lin Ran could become NASA director; this would be immensely beneficial for Lin Ran personally to realize his ideals. Jenny, who deeply understood Washington’s games, didn’t want any accidents.
Lin Ran was somewhat moved inside, moved by her enthusiasm for learning Chinese culture, but he still insisted: “Protests are raging nationwide right now, and the push for the Civil Rights Act has taken a big step forward. How could I only consider myself at such a time?”
Jenny turned to look at Lin Ran, feeling that the man before her had infinite charm.
“Professor, your article was really well written.”
In a Black bar in Washington D.C., after Lin Ran’s article on minority ethnic groups suffering systemic oppression was published, it quickly caused a stir nationwide.
Unprecedented influence.
Past news about Lin Ran was more at the winning studies level.
NASA winning the space race, the hotline promoting peace winning the moral high ground, Deep Blue and Babylon winning the technology competition.
These all created a feeling of winning for the public.
Additionally, whether Fields or Nobel Peace Prize, those belonged to personal achievements.
While the article “There Exists Deep-Rooted Racial Inequality in American Society” directly dissected the bloody facts of America’s existence for the public to see.
Compared to ordinary scholars, Lin Ran’s greatest advantage was having enough cases, able to collect enough cases, combined with fully mature discourse from later generations, giving this era’s Americans, especially Black People and people of Chinese descent, a soul-cleansing effect.
This influence touched the soul level.
Originally, Martin Luther King wasn’t that eager to meet Lin Ran. Lin Ran was a famous scientist, and as the top stream of the Black movement who published “I Have a Dream,” Martin Luther King held the attitude toward meeting Lin Ran of seeing him if convenient but no need to make a special trip.
But after seeing the article, he immediately drove overnight from the outskirts of Washington D.C. to Washington D.C. and met Lin Ran that same evening in a Black-majority bar.
The reason it was in a Black bar instead of going to Lin Ran’s home was actually Lin Ran’s fault, or V’s fault.
After V made Black marches expose Hoover’s wiretapping, everyone feared their conversations would face similar incidents.
Especially a meeting between Martin Luther King and Lin Ran made them even more worried about being wiretapped.
And at this time, a Black bar was sufficiently trustworthy.
Rap wasn’t popular yet; mainly Black jazz.
U Street was the center of Black culture and business, with many bars owned by Black jazz singers, like Bohemian Caverns, Jimmy McPhail’s Gold Room, Pig Foot Bar—these all belonged to this type.
“I just described the phenomena existing in society; its goodness lies in being real.” Lin Ran said.
When Lin Ran walked into the Black bar, he had a very peculiar feeling.
Two days ago he was in an all-White Senate meeting, now he was in an all-Black bar, making him feel like a chameleon.
Martin Luther King’s assistant was introducing Lin Ran’s identity to those present. After hearing, every Black person came to clink glasses with him, expressing thanks for his exposure of America’s unfair treatment of minority ethnic groups.
Everyone even wanted to lift him up at one point to express this gratitude.
“Professor, no no no, such phenomena have always existed in the past, but reporting was one-sided and unfair, theory was missing, and our struggle was difficult.
Your article gave us a more specific direction. We know the Civil Rights Act is just the beginning; we need to do more.”
The moment Martin Luther King saw the article, he was very emotional. A theory that Black people, as firsthand experiencers, hadn’t summarized was summarized by a person of Chinese descent from Europe.
“Professor, do you know? After your article was published, in all Southern states’ Black churches, after worship, during the sermon process, Black priests didn’t talk about Bible stories but your article, about the systemic oppression we suffered in the past.
You provided us with a more complete narrative system.”
In this era, Southern states’ Black churches, like Baptist and Methodist, mainly provided emotional expression, community participation, and nonviolent resistance.
Martin Luther King himself came from a Black priest background, specializing in sermons combining social topics.
Their process was very elaborate, at least two or three hours each time, with the sermon segment being the priest’s explanation. Martin Luther King previously favored the liberation theme in Exodus the most.
Other priests each had their favorites.
But at present, at this time point, everyone’s theme became systemic oppression.
After hearing this, Lin Ran felt that if he could stay in America until the 21st century, he would probably be a character inside America mastering scripture interpretation authority.
“Professor, I’d like to consult you: besides pushing for equality for minority ethnic groups in other fields like voting rights, housing discrimination, employment, education, etc., do you have any other suggestions for our struggle?” Martin Luther King asked.
Lin Ran said: “I think you need a slogan and goal with more dissemination power.
The Civil Rights Act or pushing other legislation—these are too hard for ordinary people to understand.
The White House being called White is the most direct evidence of racial discrimination in America; the White House has to be renamed!”
